The ethnic diversity of
by Farzin Farzad
In recent years, we have rarely gone a day
without hearing about the different methods that have been prescribed to
curtail Iran ’s nuclear ambitions. To be sure, UN sanctions coupled with
unilateral US and EU sanctions and embargos have taken their toll. Tighter US sanctions, along with the military option, continue to be
discussed in Congress as Iran and the US are negotiating over
Iran ’s nuclear programme in Kazakhstan .
But like prior engagements with real or potential enemies in the
Within the past ten years, the ethnic
minorities of Iran have increasingly become more vocal in expressing their
disillusionment with the state. This is due to a rapidly developing sense of
ethno-nationalism as a means of both creating a barrier against the Islamic
Republic of Iran’s influence and as a way to revive their eroding identities.
Many scholars of Iran argue that economic factors such
as a rise in youth unemployment, sudden inflation, and the proliferation of
access to information via social media are prompting these ethnic groups to
regress to clinging to their national identities. They are, however, just the
latest developments that stem from a sociological problem that has existed since
the dawn of the modern Iranian state in 1925 - the creation of a singular
Persian identity. As one can imagine, this policy of “Persianization” is
proving to be unsustainable and could possibly lead Iran to be the next country devastatingly torn apart by ethnic
conflict.
The single greatest threat to the regime
Policy-makers in the Islamic Republic recognize thatIran ’s ethnicities are the single greatest threat to both
internal cohesion and the perpetuation of the regime (there have been many
historical precedents in which these various ethnic groups have sought
independence or autonomy from and within Iran ). The IRI’s paranoia extends so far as to claim that
ethnic unrest is caused by foreign elements hell-bent on dividing Iran . This theory explains the government’s lack of economic
investment in ethnic minority regions, its highly-centralized nature, its
refusal to discuss the ethnic question, the overwhelming number of death row
inmates belonging to ethnic minority groups, and the forced migration of those
belonging to different ethnic groups to different regions of Iran to increase diversity.
The single greatest threat to the regime
Policy-makers in the Islamic Republic recognize that
The following is a description of the active
ethnic minority groups in Iran ordered by population size.
Turks: the largest minority
The Turks are the largest ethnic minority inIran , numbering somewhere between 20-30 million and are ethnically
the same as the Turks of the Republic
of Azerbaijan . They make up a significant portion of the military and
Islamic Republic Revolutionary Guard Corps and are heavily represented in
government and business. Given that well over 95% of the Azerbaijanis in Iran are Shia Muslims, they have been easily able to
incorporate into Islamic Republic’s Shia-oriented system. They primarily live
in northwestern Iran near Turkey and the Republic
of Azerbaijan , where they are the majority, but are also scattered
throughout Iran . Iran ’s capital, Tehran , also has a significant Azerbaijani Turkish population. It is said
that there are more Azerbaijanis in Tehran , than any other city in the world.
Turks: the largest minority
The Turks are the largest ethnic minority in
The Azerbaijani question in Iran is convoluted since a general consensus does not exist as
to the desires and hopes of the Azerbaijanis. While some scholars tout
Azerbaijani loyalty to the state, citing the vigilance of Azerbaijani fighters
against the Iraqi army in the Iran-Iraq War, others claim that since the
inception of the modern state of Iran , Azerbaijanis have sought either independence or autonomy
giving the autonomous movements of 1918, 1946, and 1979 as examples of
Azerbaijani restiveness. They were also active in mass protests in
2006 after the printing of an alleged racist cartoon in a
state-controlled newspaper. Currently, groups are rapidly forming both inside
Iran and in diaspora communities all of which are prescribing different
political futures for the Azerbaijanis: some are vehemently pro-Iranian, some
committed to the implementation of self-determination, some advocate for a
federal Iran divided along ethnic lines, some advocate separation from Iran,
and others call for unification with the Republic of Azerbaijan. One thing
certain is that the overwhelming majority of the Azerbaijanis/Turks in Iran support broader cultural and linguistic rights, despite
their political views.
The Kurdish question
For centuries, the Kurds have been used by regional powers for their own personal gains without any ultimate hope of a homeland of their own. Regarded as the largest stateless nation in the world, the Kurds are divided betweenIran , Iraq , Syria , and Turkey and number roughly 4-8 million in Iran alone.
The Kurdish question
For centuries, the Kurds have been used by regional powers for their own personal gains without any ultimate hope of a homeland of their own. Regarded as the largest stateless nation in the world, the Kurds are divided between
Like the Azerbaijanis, Kurdish groups created
a short-lived autonomous entity in their respective region after WWII with
assistance from the Soviet Union . It was crushed the following year, but the Kurds endured.
Since a significant number of Kurds in Iran are Sunni Muslims, as well as an ethnic minority, they
continued their struggle against the Shia Islamic Republic, which has brutally
punished them since. To this day, the Kurds continue protests against the
regime for its repression of the Kurdish identity. Recently, they have become
emboldened by the KRG in northern
Iraq and increasing calls for Kurdish
nationalism in Syria. It is perhaps only a matter of time until the
Kurds of Iran begin a broad rebellion in their respective state, marking the
beginning of what might be called a “Kurdish Spring”.
The recent riots of Ahwazi Arabs
The Ahwazis are an Arabic-speaking people that reside along the border withIraq near the Straight of Hormuz and are predominantly Shia
Muslims. The 3-6 million strong Ahwazis claim that despite occupying an area
that holds roughly 90% of Iran ’s oil resources, they have consistently been overlooked
and live in some of the worst economic conditions in Iran . Not only are economic opportunities scarce, but the
Ahwazis have also complained of the diversion of freshwater sources to central Iran , leaving their region in drought.
The recent riots of Ahwazi Arabs
The Ahwazis are an Arabic-speaking people that reside along the border with
The Ahwazis have been particularly active
since 2005, when an alleged government document emerged that called for the
dispersion of Arabs throughout Iran . This prompted massive protests in
the region, which are perpetuated on a yearly basis on the anniversary of the
initial protests. A recent spike in Ahwazi Arabs on death row has caused
diaspora groups to plead for action. Their trials in the revolutionary courts
have been speedy and unfair and include charges of murder, terrorism, and enmity
toward God. In 2011, the Ahwazi Arabs staged their own protests in solidarity
with the Arab Spring. Needless to say, they were brutally crushed.
Baluchi uprisings
Like the Kurds, the Baluchis are yet another
predominantly Sunni stateless nation, divided between Iran , Pakistan , and Afghanistan . They number shy of 2 million in Iran . Their qualms with the IRI go beyond that of minority and
religious rights. Being in the poorest region of Iran , many Baluchis have engaged in the illicit drug
trafficking as a source of income to buffer the droughts and extreme weather
conditions that make farming difficult. The Iranian government’s response has
been to build a concrete barrier to divide the ethnic group. The Baluchis of
Iran and Pakistan have complained that cross-border trade among their
brethren has been a means of livelihood and the wall has driven them even
further into poverty.
Since 2005, an armed Baluchi organization led
by members of the Rigi clan known as the Jondollah has struck IRI government
targets. Jondollah, however, was substantially weakened in 2010 after the
arrest and subsequent execution of their founder and leader. They’ve remained
relatively quiet since. Renewed attention to the Baluch issue has emerged as
this group has become more vocal in Pakistan . The situation should be monitored closely as the Baluch
quest for autonomy in Pakistan can have spillover effects into Iran .
About the author
Farzin Farzad is an Iranian-born analyst who
holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from American
University and serves as the current Executive Director of the
Network of Azerbaijani-Americans from Iran (NAAI).