Dr. Hasan Jafarzadeh — November 20, 2003
Because Turks in Iran are geographically dispersed, implementing Article 15 of the Constitution would not fully satisfy their demands. Article 15 cannot adequately address the demands of the Turkish population. Considering the geographical dispersion and large population of Iran’s Turks, the strength of the Turkish language in contemporary linguistic classifications, its position as the second major language of the Islamic world, its more than 200 million speakers worldwide, the vast body of scholarly resources available in the language, and its historical depth and longstanding presence in Iran, Turkish should be declared an official language alongside the rich Persian language.
Demands such as establishing major industries in Turkish-populated regions; restoring the former Turkish names of places in Azerbaijan that have been changed since the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi; restoring the name “Azerbaijan” to the four provinces of Ardabil, Hamadan, Zanjan, and Qazvin; establishing an Academy of the Turkish Language; and transferring Iran’s commercial capital to Tabriz—given the city’s longstanding economic importance and its strategic location as a gateway to Europe, Central Asia, and the Caucasus—should be seriously incorporated into the National Movement’s demands. The movement should also advocate advanced systems of governance, such as federalism. These demands must be carefully studied, systematically formulated, and communicated to the people.
The movement among Iran’s Turks to reclaim their identity—known as the Azerbaijani National-Civic Movement because of the central role of Azerbaijani Turks and the movement’s concentration in Azerbaijan—is a social movement that has endured difficult times and may face even greater challenges ahead. We have emerged from serious impasses, and today we have writers and intellectuals who willingly endure every hardship and stand firm against every adversity.
As a social movement expands, its weaknesses and potential problems must also be seriously examined so that it can reach its objectives in the healthiest possible manner. Preventing harm to a mass social movement that represents the demands of the majority requires a comprehensive and careful study of that movement. This article seeks to identify candidly the issues that could harm the movement and to assess them within the limits of the author’s knowledge.
1. The Movement’s Lack of Self-Criticism
The greatest and most damaging threat to a movement is its failure to be self-critical. A movement can remain successful and dynamic—and achieve its objectives on a principled basis—only if it avoids fanaticism and sincerely brings its possible weaknesses to the attention of those involved in it.
Offering criticism—and, more importantly, having the courage to accept criticism—is among the greatest services that participants can render to a movement. One example of a movement that failed to criticize itself and consequently reached an impasse was the movement known as reformism, which emerged in Iran’s political sphere in May 1997.
2. The Absence of Prominent Theorists Within the Movement
Although this vacuum resulted from the killing and exile of large numbers of Turkish intellectuals following the central government’s betrayal of the autonomous democratic government, a mass social movement requires distinguished theorists who can formulate its demands in accordance with the aspirations of the people and contemporary global conditions.
The absence of prominent theorists within the movement has pushed Turkish activists toward one-dimensional activity focused primarily on culture. Nevertheless, the large number of enlightened students and academics working in various scholarly fields gives us hope that this vacuum will be filled in the near future.
3. The Separation of Turkish Intellectuals and Educators From the People
History demonstrates that the fate of a people is deeply influenced by its intellectual class. Naturally, the broader population cannot advance at the same pace as intellectuals. It is therefore the responsibility of society’s intellectuals and educators to express the people’s needs, interests, and national priorities in language accessible to them.
At this stage, however, some intellectuals appear to publish periodicals filled with material that is difficult for ordinary readers to understand. They repeat familiar arguments while attempting to communicate their demands to the public. This should not be interpreted as an argument against specialized academic writing. Rather, the movement’s activists must find diverse methods of making their educational work accessible to their people.
The one-page periodical Yol, for example, represents an innovative approach within the movement. Its short, news-oriented articles do not exhaust the ordinary reader and keep the public informed about developments within the National Movement.
Its low price and ease of reproduction have increased its circulation and made it widely accessible. Its attention to Turkology and its coverage of news from all tendencies within the National Movement have given the publication a distinctive position. In bringing the movement closer to the broader population, it can play a valuable role.
4. Failure to Systematize the Movement’s Demands and the Restriction of Its Scope
Restricting the range of the movement’s demands may constitute another serious threat. Article 15 of the Constitution, for example, cannot satisfy the demands of the Turkish minority. It should be noted that “minority” is a political rather than a numerical concept. It refers to groups deprived of their legitimate rights by a ruling group; such a rights-deprived group may, numerically, even constitute a majority in relation to those who govern it.
Because Iran’s Turks are geographically dispersed, implementing Article 15 would not fully satisfy their demands. Considering their dispersion, their large population, the strength of Turkish in contemporary linguistic classifications, its position as the second major language of the Islamic world, its more than 200 million speakers worldwide, its vast scholarly resources, and its historical depth and longstanding presence in Iran, Turkish should be declared an official language alongside the rich Persian language.
The National Movement must seriously advocate demands such as the establishment of major industries in Turkish-populated regions; the restoration of former Turkish place names in Azerbaijan that have been changed since the reign of Reza Shah Pahlavi; the restoration of the name “Azerbaijan” to the four provinces of Ardabil, Hamadan, Zanjan, and Qazvin; the establishment of an Academy of the Turkish Language; and the transfer of Iran’s commercial capital to Tabriz, given the city’s longstanding economic importance and strategic position as a gateway to Europe, Central Asia, and the Caucasus.
The movement must also advocate advanced administrative systems, including federalism. These demands should be seriously studied, systematically formulated, and communicated to the people.
5. Discrediting or Idolizing the Movement’s Political and Cultural Figures
Discrediting the movement’s activists cannot under any circumstances be considered reasonable. Anyone who seeks to destroy the reputations of the movement’s activists places both themselves and their associates on a path toward ruin. Although the movement does not depend on any particular person, discrediting these figures demonstrates the perpetrator’s lack of competence and ingratitude toward activists who struggled during periods of repression. Such conduct will have damaging consequences for the National Movement.
At the same time, the movement must strongly avoid turning its activists into untouchable icons. In the contemporary world, the age of idols has passed. Everything and everyone can—and should—be subjected to principled criticism in their proper context.
6. Attacking Different Ideologies or Placing the Movement Under One Ideological Umbrella
The National Movement of Iran’s Turks does not belong to any particular ideology. It is an identity-based and freedom-seeking movement that cannot be reduced to a specific ideological position.
Some participants may personally adhere to a particular ideology. Nevertheless, it would be wrong for the National Movement either to defend or oppose any ideology as such, or for individuals to use the movement as an instrument to promote their own ideology and pursue their personal objectives.
Even in such cases, the ideology itself should not be condemned; the individual’s conduct should instead be subjected to criticism. The mistakes of an ideology’s adherents should not be attributed to the ideology itself, just as a mistake committed by an activist should be attributed to that individual rather than to the National Movement as a whole.
7. One-Dimensional Activity Focused on Literature
Literature is only one field within the humanities. The people also require extensive work in other areas of knowledge. Activity in other fields would not only strengthen those areas but would also provide a means of reaching different sectors of society.
8. Failure to Develop New Driving Forces and Their Instrumentalization
Although a movement is organized by intellectuals and the modern sectors of society, it must also have broader social forces capable of advancing it. One of the National Movement’s most important forces is the student population. However, because students have been used instrumentally, as well as for other reasons beyond the scope of this discussion, they have not been as active as they were in the past.
Students possess unique potential. The movement needs active student participation, but it must respect and value students and avoid treating them merely as instruments.
School students also maintain continuous relationships with their families and have several years before entering university. If intellectuals and modern social groups work with them, they can strengthen both the future student movement and other sectors of society. The years before university can also provide valuable time for an individual to develop awareness of the National Movement.
9. Failure to Mobilize the Movement’s Potential Forces
Iran’s Turkish population possesses a sufficient number of trained professionals working at different levels throughout the country. Although these forces currently remain more potential than active, the movement must invest in this considerable human resource so that its members develop greater awareness of their own position and that of their society.
At this stage, it is possible to observe the effects of regional developments, the situation in Iraq, and the formation of a Kurdish parliamentary faction in the Islamic Consultative Assembly on some members of this group. Nevertheless, serious and sustained efforts must be made to engage these potential forces.
10. A Sense of Guardianship Over the People Among Certain Elites
Some elites within the movement of Iran’s Turks received an education similar to that of the ruling group and consequently consider themselves superior to others within the movement. The psychology of such individuals differs from the collective outlook of the group.
The loud opposition expressed by this small number of elites is often motivated more by personal ambitions for power and, in many cases, does not correspond with the movement’s interests. For this reason, the demands of the Turkish minority must be articulated collectively by the group. Only the group can define the appropriate relationships and collective interests of the community; this cannot be accomplished through the self-appointed representation or guardianship of any individual.