Triviality in Writing, Ambiguity in Content, and Pan-Iranist Rhetoric: A Critique of the Recent Statement by a Group of Political, Literary, Labor, and Student Activists

Yashar Gulshen - November 18, 2005

Last week, a statement signed by several hundred political, literary, labor, and student activists under the title "A Word with the Nation, a Warning to the Ruling Authorities" was published and appeared on various domestic and international news websites. In this statement, it is claimed that the signatories demand genuine structural reforms based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its addenda, along with the securing of basic freedoms and justice in Iran.

Although this claim, in isolation, could be appreciated by freedom-loving individuals, the presence of certain signatories known for their pan-Iranist, racist tendencies, whose ideologies generally negate basic and inherent human freedoms such as respect for the identity, culture, and language of the people, requires closer scrutiny.

A cursory glance at the statement, which is said to have been issued by prominent political, literary, cultural, and freedom-seeking figures, greatly disappoints the reader. While one would expect a more refined style from such a group, the writing is shockingly superficial and slogan-driven, which is typically not expected from an educated group. Meanwhile, the content is ambiguous, muddled, and deeply misleading. The main ambiguity in this statement is that it is unclear who or what is being addressed or criticized.

In the title of the statement, the term "warning to the ruling authorities" is used, and throughout the text, the term "the ruling authorities" is mentioned repeatedly. However, nowhere in the statement is there any definition of who these "ruling authorities" are. Does it refer to the entirety of the Islamic Republic? Or only to the majority faction in the parliament—which is also splitting into different factions? Or does it refer only to the new president, the system of Velayat-e Faqih, or the person of the Supreme Leader? Each of these assumptions will be contradicted by certain parts of the statement.

At one point, it is stated: "In the presidential elections, the orchestrators of the spectacle, who had prepared their complex and multilayered scenario, knew the ending of the show in advance. To give the appearance of competition, they made use of figures from the critical currents within the ruling system." Does this mean that the reformists are part of the ruling system? This assumption is strengthened by the phrase "the shadow of despair that has spread over the Iranian people for years," which clearly refers to the period prior to the coming to power of the new government, and includes the reformists.

But elsewhere in the statement, we read, "The ruling authorities, by unifying the three branches of government, aim to..." Here, the reformists are seemingly not part of the ruling authorities, as the complaint about their expulsion from the parliament and government is based on this very premise. Does the term "ruling authorities" here refer to the Supreme Leader or the entire Islamic Republic?

Further, the statement says, "Most newspapers, media outlets, and websites critical of the ruling authorities have been subjected to government censorship or filtering." This part of the statement seems to allow readers to define the "ruling authorities" in any way they choose. If the newspapers of the reformists that have been shut down are the standard, then they are not part of the ruling system. But if those that remain active and continue to criticize the new government are considered, then they are part of the ruling authorities.

Elsewhere, the statement asks, "Can a military-security cabinet, with thought policing, show any compassion? Can a fight against corruption be carried out by those who, over many years, held the pulse of the country's economy in unaccountable foundations and centers operating in the shadows? Can those who have benefited from hidden and open airports, docks, and smuggling—resulting in the ruin and misery of the people—play a role in achieving justice and eliminating deprivation? Never." A reader of the statement will undoubtedly conclude that the reformists are not part of the ruling system because these very issues have often been voiced by the Participation Party and the Revolutionary Guard in the past. If that is the case, then what is the implication of the sentence, "The efforts of the eight years of reformism within the ruling system ended in failure"?

Perhaps the statement's intention is to suggest that the ruling authorities during the reformist period included them, but now they are no longer part of the ruling system. If this assumption is not true, then these political and literary figures need to clarify their stance on this glaring contradiction. If it is true—which is highly debatable—then shouldn’t these intellectuals allow the expelled reformists to defend themselves and not let the Iranian people become the bargaining chips in a conflict between factions of the Islamic Republic over the share of power each one should have?

Interestingly, despite all the ambiguity and the listing of concepts like freedom and human rights, these political activists and human rights defenders have carefully avoided addressing one of the most fundamental challenges facing freedom movements in Iran: the issue of national rights. At the same time, by indirectly repeating terms commonly used by Pan-Iranists—who oppose the equal rights of the various nationalities in Iran—they position the statement against the primary direction of the current movement for democracy in Iran. This is why, despite the talk about the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its addenda, there is no mention of the national oppression in Iran. These activists, while upset that members of other religions cannot become president, say nothing about the denial of the basic rights of more than half of Iran’s population, who are not allowed to use their mother tongue in schools, government offices, and public life. They say nothing about the ongoing national oppression faced by the Turks, Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, and Baluchis. The statement criticizes the "ruling authorities" for "wearing a leftist hat while moving to the right," yet these same activists, despite advocating for human rights, fail to acknowledge the most basic human right—the freedom of language.

Can it be imagined that, in this age of the explosion of information and communications, and during a time when national identity movements in Iran are awakening and there is regional and global solidarity with these movements, the people of Iran will once again fall into the trap of these so-called nationalists, only to be led to another sacrifice for the benefit of these individuals?

Text of the Statement.