Shahram Ahadi - Deutsche Welle Persian - February 21, 2006
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| Dr. Emilia Nercissians |
Deutsche Welle: Dr. Nercissians, February 21 is International Mother Language Day. Discussing this topic can be somewhat challenging. To begin, I would like to address a specific issue, which might help us delve into the conversation—bilingualism. Many Iranians seem to experience it. When we hear someone is bilingual, we might have a simplistic notion and think, "Well, they just know two languages." But do linguists view the concept of bilingualism in such simple terms?
Emilia Nercissians: Your observation is absolutely correct. From an external perspective, it might seem that bilingualism is merely the ability to speak two languages. However, from a sociolinguistic standpoint, bilingualism has degrees. Some individuals are fully bilingual, meaning they can proficiently use two languages in different contexts. A person cannot be a truly complete bilingual unless the social, political, and cultural conditions of their environment allow it. In other words, if someone speaks languages "A" and "B," there must be equal opportunities to use both languages in equivalent domains.
We also encounter bilingual individuals whose proficiency is not equal across their languages. One language might dominate due to societal factors. For example, among Armenians in Iran, Armenian is primarily a domestic language used with family and, to some extent, with friends or in Armenian schools. However, the language does not have much room for advancement or development beyond the home. This lack of opportunity for growth limits the individual’s practice and proficiency in Armenian. Consequently, Armenians often do not have extensive interactions with Farsi-speaking individuals, which means they may not learn Farsi as well as they should.
Deutsche Welle: Is this also true for Turkish speakers?
Emilia Nercissians: It applies to Turks as well, but their situation is somewhat different. Turkish speakers have created certain mechanisms for themselves. For instance, the conditions of a Turkish speaker living in Azerbaijan differ from those of someone living in Tehran. Those in Azerbaijan generally have a stronger command of Turkish because they have more opportunities to use it in various domains. However, Turkish speakers in Tehran may face difficulties. I currently have a student at the University of Tehran who refuses to speak. When I asked why, he said, "I’m from Ardabil, and I can’t speak here. If I do, people make fun of me."
Deutsche Welle: You mentioned that some children might not be proficient in either Armenian or Farsi. Does their level of proficiency in a language influence whether they feel that Farsi or Armenian is their mother tongue?
Emilia Nercissians: The sense of ownership or identity with a language can be partly individual. It depends on whether a person identifies more with group "A" or group "B," as well as the emotional attachment they have to one of the languages.
Deutsche Welle: So, this is unrelated to how proficient they are in the language?
Emilia Nercissians: Exactly. My point is not about proficiency, as it’s evident that these individuals are not fully proficient in either language—neither Farsi nor Armenian.
Deutsche Welle: But this might not apply to Turkish speakers or those who know Turkish. Many of them...
Emilia Nercissians: That’s correct. What I’m saying applies specifically to Tehran Armenians. For Azerbaijanis, the situation is different. An Azerbaijani living in Azerbaijan clearly defines their identity through their language and environment. In Tehran, if the conditions are favourable and no external pressures exist, a Turk might proudly assert their identity. However, in an environment where their Turkish identity causes problems—not politically, as fortunately, we don’t have such issues in Iran, but socially—they might face ridicule or exclusion, leading them to silence or alternative coping mechanisms.
One such mechanism could be trying to adjust their accent to conform to the dominant linguistic norms, or they might suppress their linguistic identity at home by choosing to speak Farsi with their children. This could result in children understanding Turkish but being unable to produce it themselves.
Deutsche Welle: Based on your observations, what role does the family play in preserving bilingualism among Armenians? Do Armenian parents ensure that their children learn and use the Armenian language properly?
Emilia Nercissians: In my studies, I found that 100% of Armenian families speak Armenian with their children at home. However, this isn’t always the case with Turkish-speaking families in Tehran. Some have abandoned Turkish as a language of communication with their children.
Deutsche Welle: Speaking of the environment, media also play a growing role. All media in Iran—radio, television, and print—are in Farsi.
Emilia Nercissians: Yes. There are two pathways for language growth: one through media, which plays a dominant role in disseminating language, and the other from grassroots efforts where people are motivated not only to preserve their language but also to create opportunities for its development. Media operates top-down, while grassroots efforts move bottom-up.
Deutsche Welle: The challenges you describe seem to require individual solutions. Are there organized, external ways to address these issues?
Emilia Nercissians: Precisely. This requires a complete overhaul of educational policies. Governments should adopt strategies to instill the belief that linguistic diversity is a national asset that must be preserved and celebrated, not marginalized.
Deutsche Welle: What specific measures do you recommend?
Emilia Nercissians: Schools should not aim to change people’s accents or dialects—this is neither their mandate nor should it be in their implicit curriculum. Teachers should not mock students’ accents, as it sends the wrong message. Globally, nations coexist with linguistic diversity. Governments should establish policies that promote both the preservation and the practical application of minority languages.
For instance, among Armenians, there is a renowned writer named Raffi, who hails from Iran. Such figures bring pride not only to Armenians but also to Iran. Similarly, in the case of Azerbaijanis, what if more individuals like Shahriar were nurtured in Iran? Wouldn’t that be a source of pride for the entire nation?
Deutsche Welle: We began by discussing bilingualism, so let’s conclude with a related question. Since the term "mother tongue" ties language to "mother," is it possible to have two mother tongues, even though one has only one biological mother?
Emilia Nercissians: The term "mother tongue" is linked to cultures with modern family structures consisting of a single mother, father, and their children. Both "mother tongue" and "nation" are relatively modern concepts, emerging in the late 18th century. Previously, such terminology didn’t exist.
These are essentially metaphors. For example, "motherland" and "mother tongue" draw from symbolic associations, where the mother nurtures and creates. In environments with polygamy, where a man might have multiple wives from different communities, what would the child’s "mother tongue" be? The child belongs to the family as a whole, not just one mother. If the family speaks multiple languages, the child might learn more than one language, showing that the concept of a "mother tongue" is constructed and not a natural phenomenon.
The link to the original article in Farsi on Deutsche Welle Persian:
دوزبانگى و زبان مادرى / گفتگو با دكتر اميليا نرسيسيانس