In the struggle for the restoration of the national rights of the Azerbaijani people, there has been ongoing ideological debate for some time. These discussions primarily focus on the issues of independence and federalism, which cannot be ignored. It has become clear that these debates are among the most important issues of today, and their resolution is necessary. Unfortunately, some misconceptions have also arisen in this regard.
Undoubtedly, these debates can be considered very important and necessary in themselves. However, the way they are presented, in my opinion, could lead to misunderstandings in our current situation and might create the impression that the Azerbaijani people are facing two distinct paths in their current liberation struggle, and we must investigate them and choose between the two. However, I believe that, in the present stage of Azerbaijan’s struggle, both those who believe in the idea of independence and those who seek a federalist structure are forced to act around a single path and plan.
Before examining this issue, we must first understand the ultimate goals of both concepts.
The definition of the term "independence" is clear. If the topic of discussion is Azerbaijan, this idea requires the establishment of an independent state on the territory of Azerbaijan. Whether this independent state unites with Northern Azerbaijan, forms a confederation with it, or remains separate is a matter for later debate.
As for the definition of federalism, we must examine it through examples from both its current status and the processes through which it has developed. If we look at any federal country today, we can identify a number of common characteristics. The most important of these is that several autonomous states are united under a single government, with their administrative functions divided into two levels. This means that certain administrative duties, such as monetary policy, foreign affairs, defense, and large-scale economic planning, are handled by the federal government, while other matters are dealt with by the special parliament, state, and judicial organs of the individual states.
If we compare the current situations of federal countries, in terms of their political and economic conditions, with independent states, we would find significant differences. However, in Azerbaijan’s current situation, this comparison could lead us down the wrong path.
When we examine the federal countries of today, we must first consider the conditions under which they were established and the processes through which they were created. Only then can we compare those circumstances to Azerbaijan’s current liberation struggle.
Looking at the federal systems of the world’s prominent countries today (America, Canada, Australia, India, Pakistan), we observe a few clear characteristics in their founding processes. Initially, several states, without being part of any larger state (as autonomous entities or private colonies), make decisions and establish a federal government based on equal rights and agreements. The primary reason for this unity is the long-term development of the states and the need for collective defense against foreign aggressors, as well as the protection of their economic and civil life. They decide to limit their independent choices and resolve certain common matters together. However, this does not mean that they lose their national identities.
Historically, we have never seen a totalitarian central government willingly subject itself to federal-democratic demands. In fact, the process of establishing federalism typically flows from the bottom up. Initially, several sovereign states agree to form a federal system.
Given this perspective, Iran is no exception to the natural and normal process of establishing federalism. Moreover, there is no possibility that Iran’s current racist and totalitarian regime (both its government and opposition, which are dominated by Persian-supremacist chauvinist and nationalist thinking) would grant national rights to minorities within the country.
Recent debates suggest that some national activists have begun to believe the misconception that federalism can be demanded from the current government or established with the participation and support of its Persian-centric opposition. If this assumption is followed, it would imply that those seeking federalism expect a racist and totalitarian regime to abandon its narrow views and accept the rights of other nations, particularly the Azerbaijani nation, on equal terms. Any genuine national liberation activist who harbors such expectations from the current central government or its Persian-centric opposition clearly does not understand the true nature of federalism, nor do they recognize the chauvinistic nature of the regime.
This issue became clearly evident during the recent uprising in Azerbaijan. We saw how political forces working for Iran, who present themselves as democratic organizations and irreconcilable opposition, responded to the Azerbaijani people’s demand for their rights. They all opposed this demand, using various excuses to block the demands for justice. Even those organizations that had previously made bold statements about promoting federalism and the right to self-determination suddenly withdrew their support. If these plans cannot be used at the height of the people’s struggle, when and how will they ever be realized?
Let’s state clearly and transparently that, based on both historical facts and the core characteristics of federalism, it is impossible to establish a federal system in Iran through the hands of its current regime. Anyone still expecting a miracle from these organizations, despite the inherent nature of federalism, should reconsider.
Therefore, before the establishment of a federal system in Iran, the central totalitarian regime must first be dismantled. For this reason, the Azerbaijani people must establish their own national government before the issue of federalism can be addressed. Only after the formation of an independent national government can discussions about the potential establishment of a federal system take place, under conditions of mutual agreement.
A question may arise here: if the creation of a federal system depends on establishing national sovereignty, should we then focus primarily on the idea of independence? Do we need to create another central state that will once again bind the hands and feet of the Azerbaijani people?
These questions, though important, are not the focus of this discussion. Once the Azerbaijani people restore their national sovereignty, then the people and their duly elected representatives can consider whether to opt for an independence or a federalist structure, taking into account the changing circumstances.
When the Azerbaijani people hold their national sovereignty, it will be possible to discuss the possibility of federalism with other nations (Kurds, Fars, Turkmens, etc.). However, at present, with the Iranian regime being totalitarian, such discussions are impossible.
Thus, it becomes clear that at this stage of the national struggle, Azerbaijani activists have only one path: organization, a planned phase of struggle, and ultimately the creation of national sovereignty on Azerbaijani soil, whether the ultimate goal is independence or federalism.
A potential question might arise: why must those who support federalism follow the path of independence? Because the path to national sovereignty is common. It is not dedicated exclusively to either independence or federalism. If federalist activists seek cooperation with other nations in Iran, it is also part of the independence movement’s agenda.
Ultimately, the necessity of establishing national sovereignty involves determining the borders of the national state, building an independent military, and re-establishing democratic national institutions. To achieve this goal, discussions with democratic organizations from other nations could offer a constructive path. In the process of dismantling the totalitarian regime, cooperation with other nations could be the most reasonable political approach. Additionally, when Iran’s totalitarian regime is overthrown, there will be peace and brotherhood among neighboring nations, preventing conflicts. In the process of establishing national sovereignty, democratic figures and organizations might also emerge from within the Persian community.
Undoubtedly, Iran's current oppressive system, built around Persian chauvinism and the suppression of various nations within the country, will eventually be relegated to history. However, it is crucial to note that sincere and democratic cooperation among Azerbaijani activists will expedite this change.
Link to the original text in Turkish with Arabic script.