Elchin Arazli - March 8, 2008
Introduction
Sexual discrimination is one of the significant social issues in many countries around the world, primarily manifested as discrimination against women. Gender segregation in societies reinforces women's roles in reproduction and supportive activities while putting their independence at risk. Social, cultural, and psychological mechanisms support this process, which is a construct created by human actions.
The term "sex" refers to the biological differences between men and women. These include visible physical differences and reproductive functions, which are mostly natural and controlled by genetics. However, "gender" or "social gender" is a cultural issue related to the social classification of male and female, encompassing all areas of social life and imposing subordination on women, placing them in secondary roles in society. Thus, sexual inequality in societies includes the exclusion of women from various public domains such as social, economic, political, and cultural fields. In all social systems, from the most democratic to the most dictatorial, women have been driven to the private sphere, which is considered to be the family, and it is assumed to be the appropriate place for them. In contrast, men control all public domains, that is, all social institutions. This gender segregation places women in the role of mother and housekeeper and men in the role of manager and controller of both the public and private spheres, exerting power over both. Such societies are called patriarchal societies. In democratic systems, this has been mitigated through the struggle of women and feminist men, and women have achieved relative rights, but in dictatorial countries with ideological systems, especially in Arab and Islamic countries, it remains in full force. The Gulf Arab countries and Iran are prime examples of this type of government system, where discrimination against women in various forms can be clearly observed.The restrictions imposed on women by law, the ideological system, and the sexualized culture of society have deprived women of equal opportunities to realize their talents in science, art, and to achieve power and their civil rights in both public and private spheres.
In the colonial society of South Azerbaijan, influenced by religious culture, as in other Islamic countries, women are viewed as property and servants of men in the public culture. Limiting women to housework, wife duties, and childcare are common characteristics of Azerbaijani women. Under this traditional patriarchal culture, women suffer various forms of oppression, abuse, and physical violence from men — husbands, brothers, fathers, and other male relatives — and have no right to protest for their natural rights. Adherence to traditional customs and religious ideologies, as well as patriarchal social norms throughout history, has prevented women from participating in social production and determining their own fate. Moreover, the patriarchal ideology argues that women’s participation in social and political spheres would undermine their position as women in the private sphere, i.e., family life. In such a traditional society, both men and women believe that women must serve their husbands and focus on caring for children. Men view women as sexual commodities meant to satisfy their sexual needs, which Engels refers to as sexual slavery or domestic slavery. Although slavery in general has ended, women's slavery persists in a milder form in society, continuing in broader dimensions.
As John Stuart Mill, the 19th-century English feminist, states, men do not merely demand women's obedience but also seek their emotions and feelings. Men want slaves who do not resist but willingly submit. They do not want just any slave, but a beloved slave who will do everything for them, shaping their minds to embrace traditional male thoughts.
The system of traditional, totalitarian patriarchy employs all educational and training resources to achieve this goal, which is referred to as brainwashing. Therefore, all women in such societies are raised from a young age with the belief that they should not follow their own will but should submit to the will of others. Conventional ethics in such societies teach women that their role is to defend ethics, to live for others, to always show self-sacrifice, and to express love for someone else as determined by others. All these traditional thoughts, prevalent among both men and women in our society, are institutionalized by the fascist patriarchal government system, resulting in the oppression and exploitation of Azerbaijani women by the patriarchal colonial system in both social and familial spheres. Furthermore, structural barriers such as underdevelopment, repression, lack of freedom for women, lack of equal job opportunities, and insecurity for women in workplaces, along with gendered attitudes, have made women highly dependent on family structures.
Feminism is a blueprint for social transformation and a movement to end the oppression of women. Feminism has a long history of organized rebellion against those governments and social institutions that enable the subordination of women. It is also a rebellion against all power structures, laws, and social systems that keep women in subordinate positions, relegating them to second-class status (as Simone de Beauvoir, the 20th-century French feminist, calls "the second sex"). It challenges and fights against the existing division of labor in patriarchal societies, where men are responsible for the public sphere — work, sports, war, and the state — while women, through hardship and servitude in the home, bear the full burden and toil of family life.
Thus, the historical progression and rational tendencies in modern human society not only do not support the system of gender inequality but firmly oppose it. The progress of human history shows that this remnant of ancient times — the subordination and oppression of women — is incompatible with the future of the modern world and humanity and must disappear from the stage of history.
The fight against sexual and ethnic apartheid is embodied in Azerbaijani nationalist feminism. The elimination of these beliefs and ultimately the patriarchal system, which is a symbol of male supremacy, in South Azerbaijan requires the organization and awareness of intellectual and militant women as nationalist feminists within the Azerbaijani national movement for freedom from the domination of the Iranian chauvinist government. This can only be achieved through the education and awareness of women about their identity in such a society. Through this awakening, the massive participation of aware and militant women in the Azerbaijani national movement can be realized.
The Waves of Feminism and the Position of Azerbaijani Women
Before the emergence of feminism, history offers examples of individual women with power, courage, and exceptional talents. These women were recognized as queens, renowned emperors, brave warriors, scholars, poets, and artists. In the history of the Turks and Azerbaijan, Tomyris Ana, the leader and queen of the Massagetae (Saka Turks and Ishghuz), holds a special place. Tomyris Ana fought a battle between the Persian army led by Cyrus and the Turkish forces, defeating them and severing Cyrus's head with her own hands. Turkan Khatoon, the wife of Sultan Melik Shah Seljuk, and Turkan Khatoon, a queen of the Qara Khitai between 655 and 680 AH, are other examples of heroic Turkish women in history, who ruled their domains with wisdom.
In Azerbaijani epic literature, many brave women, such as Arab Zangi (the wife and comrade of Shah Ismail Khatai), Negar (the companion of Koroglu), and Hejr (the comrade and helper of Qochaq Nabi), are also depicted. In recent history, during the Constitutional Revolution, heroic women like Zeynab Pasha and Sarieh, the daughter of the courageous Shahsavan leader in the uprisings of 1324-1325, also stepped into the field of struggle.
These are famous faces in the history of the Turks and Azerbaijan, but they remain exceptions, without significantly impacting the status of the vast majority of ordinary and oppressed women. It is only with the advent of feminism, through the conscious organization of women over many centuries, that the story of changing women's conditions begins.
Waves of Feminism
The effort to define the foundation of all feminisms can always begin with the point that all of them aim to fight the inferior position of women in society and the oppression they face due to their gender. All forms of feminism seek changes in the social, economic, political, and cultural order to reduce and ultimately overcome this discrimination.
When attempting to classify the historical development of feminism, the emergence of strong feminist histories has been categorized into waves, which are generally divided into two main waves:
- The First Wave of Feminism
The first wave of feminism refers to the feminist movements of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which aimed to secure equal rights for women as citizens, particularly the right to vote.
There was pressure to include women in the political process and grant them full citizenship during these years. From the moment the idea of men's rights spread across Europe and the United States in the 18th and 19th centuries, women began demanding equal rights for themselves. The French revolutionary Olympe de Gouges wrote the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen" in 1791, in response to the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen," asserting that women, like men, are human beings by nature and have equal rights. In the end, she lost her life in this struggle. In 1792, Mary Wollstonecraft, inspired by the Enlightenment thinkers, published "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman" in London, in which reason was presented as the basis for equal roles of women in society and politics.
By the 19th century, the pressure for women's suffrage grew. In Europe and the United States, this pressure began in the late 19th century and gained significant momentum in the 20th century, becoming the symbol of feminist movements of the time.
During this period, women in Western countries strongly demanded the right to vote, resorting to violent revolutionary activities, including bombings, shop window smashing, organizing protest rallies, hunger strikes, and burning down government buildings.
Women's suffrage was granted in many countries worldwide at various times, with this human right being achieved through the struggles of women. In many countries, this right was granted after the victories of certain revolutions, both by revolutionary men and women. New Zealand was the first country in the world to grant women the right to vote. In the Arab Gulf states, such as the United Arab Emirates, the issue of women's suffrage was discussed in 2006, with a decision made to extend voting rights to women by 2010.
In Azerbaijan, women gained the right to vote in the early 20th century during the first wave of feminism. In 1918, when the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan was established, women gained the right to both vote and stand for election. Azerbaijan became the first Muslim country to grant suffrage to women and implement political equality between men and women, surpassing even advanced countries like the United Kingdom and the United States.
In Southern Azerbaijan, women gained the right to vote and stand for election for the first time in 1945 during the national government of Azerbaijan (the Republic of Southern Azerbaijan), in the same year as France, Japan, and Italy. This was the first time in Iranian history. For Iranian women, this issue was realized 18 years later, in 1963.
- The Second Wave of Feminism
This wave refers to the resurgence of feminist activities in the late 1960s and 1970s, focusing on issues of inequality between women and men. However, this time, the concerns were not only limited to the lack of political rights but extended to issues within the family, sexual matters, and labor.
It should also be noted that this historical classification is merely a practical tool. Another issue is that some feminists, instead of adopting a historical perspective, categorize feminism based on theoretical and conceptual foundations, which includes four disjointed groups: liberal feminism, socialist feminism, radical feminism, and ethnic or black feminism. A brief summary of these categories can be expressed as follows:
Liberal Feminism includes those who fight for equal rights for women within the framework of a liberal government. The emphasis is on individual talents and equal citizenship rights. Liberal feminists seek to reform society within the bounds of liberal laws and do not aim to change the regime through revolutionary struggle.
Socialist Feminists argue that gender inequality and the oppression of women are linked to the capitalist system and the unequal division of labor in such systems, based on Marxist theories of class conflict.
Radical Feminists believe that men's dominance over women stems from a patriarchal social system, independent of all social structures, and envision a revolution to change this male-dominated societal system.
Ethnic Feminists, which is the primary subject of this article, advocate for the dismantling of colonial systems that oppress both men and women in colonized societies. They argue that colonial laws and patriarchal systems have led to the subjugation of women. Women's liberation movements have almost always emerged within nationalist struggles for independence from colonial powers. Feminist movements in Algeria, India's anti-colonial revolution, and South Africa's black feminist movements are examples of this, where revolutionary struggle played a crucial role in the liberation of their nations from colonial rule.
Ethnic Feminism and the National Movement of Southern Azerbaijan
Many feminists worldwide have long considered the differences between men and women, yet they have ignored the social differences among women of different nations, which stem from racial, ethnic, class-based, and sexual orientation factors. Feminists have often focused on shared experiences of oppression among all women and common strategies for overcoming these oppressions, creating an essentialized idea of womanhood separate from men. This essentialism has obscured the differences between women of various communities, particularly ethnic, racial, and class differences. Ignoring these differences benefits the dominant ethnic group, as it hides them under a shared pain and applies colonial ideologies to other oppressed ethnic groups, leading to the assimilation of all members of the community into the dominant ethnic group's culture and traditions.
In the case of Southern Azerbaijan, the situation is similar. Furthermore, it can be argued that feminist ideologies in Iran are mostly centered around the experiences of Persian women, who have better access to awareness, education, and social welfare compared to women from other oppressed ethnic groups. These feminist views depict Iran as a monolithic culture for all its people, ignoring or undervaluing the experiences of women from other nationalities and ethnicities under Iranian rule, and framing women's demands in terms of the interests of the Persian-dominated social system. This approach has led to the perpetuation of the colonial oppression of other ethnicities and marginalized women within those groups. As a result, Persian-centered feminists contribute more to division and conflict than to solidarity with feminists from other ethnicities in Iran.
Thus, the Azerbaijani woman, through the intense assimilation imposed by Iran's fascist system, has been led to accept the cultural and moral superiority of Persian women and their social teachings. Under the influence of patriarchal political power, she has adopted the social norms and standards of Persian women. Moreover, the patriarchal religious and historical culture of Azerbaijan has intensified this dominance. Azerbaijani women suffer severely under the combined influences of patriarchal religious thought and colonial oppression, especially as these ideas are reflected in the country's legal and civil codes. Shared religion has become a tool for social cohesion between the traditional majority and the subjugated minority, helping to perpetuate the colonial regime.
On the other hand, in addition to the oppression from Persian men and women, Azerbaijani women are also subjected to severe oppression by their male counterparts. This can be attributed to the blind obedience of men to patriarchal religious and Iranian cultural traditions, which have become deeply entrenched in Azerbaijani society. Consequently, men are raised with negative gender attitudes towards women, and these views are reflected in their treatment of women.
Based on the above points, it can be concluded that the patriarchal, ideological, and theological structure of the Iranian government has made the exploitation of ethnic groups within its imposed borders a priority, and the Turkish region of Southern Azerbaijan is no exception. Given the gendered and colonial nature of the relationship between colonizers and the subjugated ethnic groups, women have been most adversely affected. Moreover, the ignorance, illiteracy, collective prejudices, and blind obedience to these views, particularly by men, contribute to the perpetuation of this oppressive system, reinforcing patriarchal norms and the male-dominated culture that benefits the Iranian colonial system.
Therefore, the discourse of Persian-centered feminists about the shared fate of Iranian women is a mere illusion, as this perspective often fuels divisions and clashes with feminists from other ethnic groups in Iran.
The National Movement of Azerbaijan and the Participation of Women
The participation of women in the Azerbaijani national movement depends on their awareness of their identity, values, and basic and civil rights, which are deeply rooted in their social status, as well as the social and family conditions they face. Ethnicity, social class, and gender shape the walls and windows of every nation's life. The organization of women in the national movement is influenced by the experiences, faith, rationality, shared beliefs, and positive human attitudes towards each other among both male and female activists of the movement. Moreover, the more the male activists' perspectives shift from gendered views to humanistic ones, the greater the involvement of women in the anti-colonial struggle. These perspectives are not just individual views; they also reflect the attitudes of groups and organizations within the national movement, and this element is a vital resource for the unity and strengthening of the national movement.
One of the main concerns of ethnic feminists is the economic, political, cultural, class-based, and gendered discrimination, which are closely interconnected and directly or indirectly intensify the subjugation of women in Azerbaijani society. These oppressions and social stratifications in the colonial society of South Azerbaijan are so intricately intertwined that it is impossible to separate them, and they are examined within the framework of national discrimination in all colonial societies. One form of oppression affects another, leading to discrimination against all individuals and citizens in the colonial society of Azerbaijan.
The traditional patriarchal attitudes within the Azerbaijani national movement, and the gendered views towards women, stem from the blind acceptance of traditional societal beliefs by activists and the small organizations within the national movement, which see women as inferior and weaker. This causes women to feel less loyalty to the movement and more alienated. As a result, rather than focusing on the struggle against the colonial oppressor, which has led to the subjugation of both men and women in society, women may consider fighting against their male compatriots who, influenced by patriarchal cultural norms, have downgraded their status and suppressed their demands. This issue further deepens the sense of divergence between women and men in the struggle, strengthening separatist thinking and nationalist separatism among feminist nationalists, thereby reducing the national movement's strength. Such divisions between male and female activists in the Azerbaijani national movement only harm the national struggle.
The struggles for women's liberation have been an essential and inseparable part of national resistance movements and socialist movements worldwide. Women and men have fought together for national liberation in anti-colonial and anti-capitalist movements, a phenomenon visible in the socialist revolutions and national liberation revolutions of the twentieth century. In ethnic movements, due to a shared sense of national pain, awareness of the demands of the struggle, understanding of national interests, and choosing appropriate methods for the struggle based on the time and society, women have rarely organized independently. Instead, they often functioned as branches or factions of nationalist groups, integrating their goals and demands into nationalist agendas and outlining them within the context of their lived experiences as women from an oppressed nationality. Women like the Irish Erin Girls in the Irish National Liberation Army (Sinn Féin), feminists connected to the nationalist and anti-colonial revolution in India, liberal and nationalist Finnish women fighting against the Russians and Swedes, black feminists in South Africa, Tamil nationalist feminists in Sri Lanka, and the women's wing of the Eritrean Liberation Front are examples of such organizations.
Independent women's organizations emerged in many twentieth-century revolutions, where they not only advocated for women's rights and fought against gender discrimination but also pursued their ideological and national goals. Some examples include the Irish Women's Suffrage Association, independent women's groups in India, labor unions of women in Russia, and Revolutionary Republican Women's Associations during the French Revolution.
In most cases, independent women's organizations emerged after liberation from colonial rule and the overthrow of dictatorial regimes, particularly when transitioning to democratic national states. Their struggle focused more on reforms, changes, and the implementation of laws aimed at improving women's living conditions, eliminating traditional patriarchal thinking, and institutionalizing these changes within the framework of democratic national governance. Examples of such organizations include the National Women's Suffrage Association in the United States, the National Women's Council of Denmark, and the Women's Political and Social Union in Britain, all in the early twentieth century. These organizations still exist in most democratic Western countries and continue to fight for improved living conditions and gender equality in all social fields through civil means.
Given the experiences of revolutions and national liberation movements worldwide, forming independent women's groups in the Azerbaijani national movement before liberation from the colonial regime—which focuses only on feminist essence and aligns with the ideas of Persian-centered feminists without considering the national goals and demands of the colonized people of South Azerbaijan—will not be successful.
Women are one of the most significant and largest political and cultural groups within the Azerbaijani national movement, including female activists from academic circles, intellectuals, journalists, and political and cultural activists. These women are secular and fight against sexual barbarism in Azerbaijani society, as well as the patriarchal, colonial, and chauvinistic regime of Iran, which imposes various discriminations, abuses, and gender-based oppressions on women's lives. They work within the larger framework of national movements, and despite facing family and social obstacles such as negative, conservative views on women's participation in the national movement and a lack of awareness and awakening among women due to imposed restrictions, some educated, intellectual, and activist women have recently organized under the name "Çhörganlı Qızları Qurupu" (ÇQQ), which stands as the women's wing of the Azerbaijani Southern National Awakening Movement (GAMOH). The role of these women in the movement is similar to that of the Erin Girls in the Irish National Liberation Army (Sinn Féin), with the difference that their struggle is political and cultural rather than armed, focusing on women's awakening and fighting against sexual apartheid.
These women play a significant role in awakening Azerbaijani women, particularly through cultural activities, organizing meetings, protests, and accepting various costs, such as breaking sexual and social taboos. They have paved the way for the participation of women in the Azerbaijani national movement. The creation of equal opportunities for women's participation, with increased sexual security and freedom, is essential for increasing the number of women activists in the national movement. This will boost women's self-confidence, independence, and fighting spirit.
One factor preventing women's political participation in the national movement is the importance of traditional gender roles within the family and society. The gender-based division of labor, historically and culturally ingrained in Azerbaijani society, limits most women to fulfilling the needs of children, husbands, brothers, fathers, the elderly, and the sick, thus confining women to household work while men engage in work outside the home, such as politics, culture, and production, including political struggle. Such a system views women's place as within the home and outside the social sphere, while men are considered suitable for political roles. This traditional system, with its belief that politics is a male domain, undermines women's ability to defend their rights and hinders their participation in political struggles.
The patriarchal family system is one of the main barriers to women's participation in the Azerbaijani national movement. How can this significant obstacle be overcome? One key factor in alleviating the negative impact of patriarchal thought on women's political lives is awareness. Awareness involves analyzing and understanding the gender inequalities present in society, recognizing the factors that perpetuate gender discrimination, and understanding what can be done to combat patriarchal views in South Azerbaijani society. This awareness must develop not only among women but also among men, as a belief in gender equality among men can serve as a development goal for the Azerbaijani national movement. Strengthening this belief can foster healthy relationships between men and women in the movement, enhancing unity and enabling collective action for national liberation, particularly for women, who have been most negatively affected by the colonial chauvinism of Persia.
While some Western feminists view nationalist movements as inherently male-dominated, this view also exists among Persian-centered feminists who attempt to separate gender from class and ethnicity. However, these feminists, despite their efforts, have failed to engage women from other ethnicities in Iran, as they focus solely on women's issues without considering their national demands. Thus, it can be concluded that feminist essentialism in Iranian feminist theory is no longer relevant, and the national liberation struggles of other ethnicities must be considered within a broader framework.
This shows that feminist essentialism has ended in the context of Azerbaijani national movement, and women now see themselves as active participants in national struggles, helping to recreate national borders, cultural transmission, and contributing to the resistance against colonialism. Today, many women actively participate in the Azerbaijani national movement, but challenges remain. Despite the growing role of women, the movement still faces obstacles such as patriarchal family systems, inexperience, and traditional male-centered views, particularly among some male activists who mistakenly believe that women's involvement in the movement brings shame. These views hinder the organization of the movement, and result in the marginalization of women. Nonetheless, women continue to participate in political rallies, strikes, propaganda, and cultural activities, enduring imprisonment, torture, and other consequences of the chauvinistic regime.
Given the crucial role of women in the national movement, it can be concluded that a rational struggle to eliminate all forms of discrimination—whether gender, cultural, economic, political, or class-based—cannot succeed without women's participation and the development of awareness among activists and the broader population. Without addressing these barriers, the national struggle will not result in true and lasting gains, and it will fail to establish democratic principles and gender equality, which are core pillars of democracy and human rights worldwide. Therefore, removing gendered obstacles and patriarchal views is essential for the advancement of the national struggle, as both men and women need to recognize their shared fate and mutual dependence in the fight against colonialism.
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