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| Azerbaijani Turk activists raise their voices at the 2003 Babek Castle gathering. |
This article examines the goals and ambitions of the Azerbaijan's civil national movement in its struggle against the deeply entrenched racist system and politics in Iran that have oppressed the people of Azerbaijan for over a century. This system, characterized by a centralized and hierarchical ethnic regime, has systematically marginalized the Azerbaijani people in key areas such as language, culture, identity, economy, and politics.
The Azerbaijani national movement is a liberation movement against the extreme Persian nationalism.
It can undoubtedly be said that the central characteristic of the current national movement in South Azerbaijan is its opposition to the extreme and chauvinistic nationalism that dominates Iran. Various chauvinistic forces in Iran use all their resources to depict Azerbaijani activists and organizations advocating for national equality in Iran as extreme nationalists, distorting the essence of this movement. In their confrontation with the activists of Azerbaijan's national struggle movement, these chauvinistic and pan-Iranist forces often use terms like "extreme Azerbaijani nationalists," "pan-Turkists," "pan-Turanists," "ethnic nationalists," "tribal nationalists," and similar labels.
Several malicious intentions lie hidden behind this image-making.
One of these is an attempt to obscure the ultra-nationalistic nature of the Iranian ruling system itself. When they label the Azerbaijani liberation movement as "pan-Turkism," they are trying to conceal the existence of Persian ultra-nationalism, which has turned into chauvinism and racism. By labelling the ethnic rights activist of Azerbaijan, which have continued for decades despite relentless repression, humiliation, and restrictions, they aim to present their own exaggerated and often fabricated narratives about a supposed glorious past and language of the ancient Persians as an unquestionable and undeniable truth. Through the dust they raise by labeling Azerbaijani equality-seekers, they seek to prevent any questioning of their myths about a so-called ancient and superior civilization and their supposed national language of Iran.
By analyzing the political slogans of national movements in Azerbaijan over the last century and examining the political platforms and programs of the organizations linked to these movements, it is evident that these movements demand equal national rights for Azerbaijani Turks alongside other ethnic groups in Iran, including Persians. In no serious political document from the organizations and individuals of this movement is there any expression of national superiority over other ethnic groups, nor is there any intention or will to assert Turkish cultural, linguistic, or national dominance over others. Moreover, the centuries-old tradition of the Turkish rulers' impartial treatment of various ethnic groups in Iran—despite the usual nature of their autocracy—strongly supports the idea that in the culture and tradition of Turks in Iran, extreme nationalism, like the one imposed by Aryan revivalists on non-Persian peoples, has not been present.
Another goal of the chauvinists in labelling the Azerbaijani national movement is their concern that their racialist theory, which classifies all Iranians as Aryan and considers their language to be a form of Persian, will be undermined. This theory suggests that the linguistic and cultural differences of non-Persian ethnic groups in Iran are nothing but impurities and fragments of cultures introduced by foreign invaders into the so-called "Aryan" land. Thus, any movement that challenges this theory is met with slander and accusations of ethnic nationalism.
The most absurd accusations come from the so-called supporters of scientific socialism and internationalists, who loudly repeat these labels against the freedom-loving Azerbaijanis. These people, who consider themselves above any allegedly degrading nationalist tendencies, fail to recognize the blatant continuation of Persian ultra-nationalism in Iran, which is deeply rooted and institutionalized based on racist Aryan ideology. With the normalization of Persian nationalism and pan-Iranism, they speak out against the so-called nationalism of Azerbaijani freedom fighters, unleashing a storm of accusations and slander.
The Azerbaijani national movement is a struggle for the Azerbaijani Turkish people's right to reclaim the national rights that have been lost over time. The supporters of this movement, rightfully known as "Milletchi" among the masses, are freedom-seekers who remain steadfast in their loyalty to their identity, their Turkish language, and their ethnicity—elements that have been systematically targeted for a century by the racist tendencies and policies of the central regime in Tehran. They do not want to assimilate, nor do they want to force others to assimilate. These people stand in stark contrast to the opportunistic "Manqurts" who have cut ties with their nation and identity and have joined the camp of racists and chauvinists to oppose the equality-seeking rise of the people. They are the inheritors of the glorious traditions of the Constitutional Revolution and the national government, continuing the path of those who sacrificed their lives for it. They are the true defenders of equality among nations and the real heroes of freedom from the generation of Sattar Khan and Pishveri.
The Azerbaijani National Movement is an Anti-Racist Movement
The Azerbaijani national movement works against the racist policies of the ruling regime. It seeks to change this ideological system, which remains a shameful stain on this part of the world today.
To better understand the ideological system that the Azerbaijani national movement seeks to eradicate, reviewing general points from Dr. Alireza Asgharzadeh’s work titled "Anatomy of Iranian Racism: Reflection on the Root Causes of the South Azerbaijani Resistance Movement" can be enlightening.
"State institutions, the ruling elite, and the Persianized intellectual class are interconnected and have safeguarded the foundations of one of the most racist systems in the modern world. This blatant racism, which is nourished by Aryanism paradigms and the racist theories of 18th-20th century Europe, has outlasted the Jim Crow system of segregation in the U.S., and, after Nazism, Fascism in Europe, and apartheid in South Africa. In practice, compared to its counterparts in Germany, Europe, the U.S., and South Africa, Persian racism in Iran presents an astonishing success story in terms of its durability, normalization, and forced assimilation.
Persian racism in Iran supports a racialized worldview, in which the so-called Aryan race is seen as superior. Using 18th-20th century European racist theories as its theoretical and ideological foundation, the ruling group exploits the country’s resources to fund expensive research and archaeological discoveries related to the history and survival of this supposed superior Aryan race in Iran. On the other hand, any serious work that challenges the historical superiority of Aryans not only receives no support but is even banned from publication in Iran."
The direction of the Azerbaijani national movement is aimed at eliminating this ideological system, which has poisoned the political, cultural, and economic life of the ethnic groups residing in Iran. The history of Iran is full of thousands of events in which over thousands of years, various ethnic groups and tribes with different backgrounds have migrated to this land, settled, and established their own languages, cultures, arts, and industries. These groups have influenced others culturally, scientifically, and artistically, while also being influenced by others. Contemporary Iran is a collection of all these civilizations and cultures, and no group has the right to claim superiority and attempt to erase the identity and cultural and economic heritage of others. The Azerbaijani national movement believes that all nations residing in Iran, regardless of their ethnic background or the race they originate from, should not claim any superiority or pride over one another and that every person while having legitimate pride in their own past, must be regarded as an equal citizen. This is the characteristic that highlights the egalitarian orientation of the Azerbaijani national movement and distinguishes it from the Aryan racism.
The Azerbaijani National Movement is a Democratic and Progressive Movement
The nature of a political movement is not determined by empty slogans or mere propaganda. Every political movement should be evaluated based on its objectives, the composition and internal relations of the forces involved, and, most importantly, its performance in the process of struggle and in the post-victory period.
Looking at the nearly eighty-year history of movements that have emerged from Azerbaijan and examining the factors that can indicate their democratic or reactionary nature reveals a picture that undoubtedly brings pride to the participants and supporters of these movements.
If we examine the second phase of the Constitutional Revolution, which began with the uprising of Sattar Khan from Tabriz after the attack of Russian and Iranian forces loyal to Mohammad Ali Shah on the first Parliament, and subsequent examples, we see this democratic and progressive characteristic in all of them. These uprisings were not aimed at establishing or continuing any feudal or dictatorial power system, nor were there any tribal or feudal relations behind them. The goal of all these uprisings was fundamentally to dismantle systems based on autocracy and tyranny, and the essence of each movement came from the will of the masses participating in it. Since dismantling autocratic systems could not be achieved without changing the physical and theoretical foundations of these systems, the direction of these uprisings moved towards fighting centralization and altering decision-making processes by delegating power to regional areas. An important point is that these democratic political goals were not limited to slogans but were also applied in practice and in the everyday lives and interactions between individuals and forces involved.
The overarching goal of the Azerbaijani national movement has consistently been the establishment of a real democratic system based on the will of the people. The democratic system envisioned here is not limited to defining the political form of central power but includes expanding a system in which decision-making and executive power at all levels—from rural areas and urban neighbourhoods to educational and regional issues—are contingent upon the will of the people.
The one-year period of the Azerbaijani National Government led by the Democratic Party between 1945-46 is a shining example of the democratic and progressive nature of the elements involved in the movement, its slogans and programs, and its actual performance in the phase of victory. It is no coincidence that after attacking this government, the violent forces tied to Persian chauvinism, with unprecedented hatred, massacred the workers, intellectuals, and merchants who participated in it, and with brutality similar to that of the Nazis, who sought to eradicate opposing ideologies of Aryan racial superiority, burned and destroyed all cultural achievements, educational tools, and books left from this period. This democratic and exemplary characteristic of the movement was so terrifying to the ruling chauvinism that it led to the largest human massacre in the entire history of the Pahlavi regime in retaliation for this symbol of the Azerbaijani people's victory, and the anniversary of this massacre was celebrated every year with grandiose military displays and the shouting of the killers of the Azerbaijani people.
In adherence to democratic traditions, all the movements in Azerbaijan following the Constitutional Revolution have been continuous, with each one being a continuation and inheritor of the previous movement. Even the Muslim People's Movement in the early years of the 1979 Revolution, despite the lack of alignment between its leadership and the religious framework of the movement with its grassroots, was largely progressive and democratic in its essence and slogans, particularly in rejecting the constitution of Velayat-e Faqih and opposing centralization in the post-revolutionary government. Perhaps it is not necessary to emphasize that the very act of fighting to dismantle the dictatorship of a select group in the center, as well as the fight for the equal cultural and linguistic identity of all the ethnicities residing in Iran, is a movement toward real freedom and sustainable democracy.
The historical traditions of the Azerbaijani movements all demonstrate respect for human rights, including equality for all regardless of gender, race, or religion, the empowerment of women in all fields, secularism, democratic treatment of non-Turkish ethnicities in Azerbaijan, and a lack of imperialistic attitudes in these matters. It should not be forgotten that the first laws granting women the right to vote, the first non-religious schools, the first printing houses and newspapers, the first sparks of opposition to tyranny after the first Constitutional Revolution, the first serious uprising against the dictatorship of the Pahlavi regime, and the first mass uprising after the 1979 Revolution all emerged from these Azerbaijani national movements.
The Azerbaijani National Movement is Youth-Oriented and Growing
One of the most remarkable phenomena within the Azerbaijani national movement is the large participation of Azerbaijani youth, who act as its driving force. Before the recent movements, such as the gatherings in Babek Castle and especially before the national uprising of May 2006, many superficial observers, influenced by the propaganda of chauvinism and the self-centeredness of their autocratic rulers, believed that the young generation, raised under the influence of chauvinistic educational systems and the bombardment of propaganda by state organizations, had completely disconnected from their Turkish identity. As a result, they thought that the issue of Azerbaijan's national demands had been politically and culturally buried forever.
What they failed to realize was that, contrary to their assumptions, the driving force behind the new phase of the Azerbaijani movement stemmed from the involvement of a new generation of Azerbaijani students. These students, having grown from the sprouts of a long period of stagnation, analyzed the current situation using experiences passed down to them by a few wise and selfless intellectuals, who worked hard and with great effort to impart knowledge to them. They became familiar with the realities of neighboring societies of similar language and ethnicity, and with the help of new communication tools, they began to see a new horizon before them. The new generation of Azerbaijani civil activists brought honesty, clarity, and the courage to express their feelings to this movement. They have introduced new tactics and methods, which, if examined with an open mind, reveal the depth and seriousness of their resolve to completely break free from national dependence.
While many of their peers during the 1979 revolution were still dreaming of a free, multi-national society under the democratic slogans of centralized groups, the new Azerbaijani generation, born after the revolution or too young to remember it, has chosen a different path. A notable and logical example of this shift is the Student Day in Azerbaijan, which is not based on traditions dictated by centralists but is instead rooted in an event that symbolizes the full and serious entry of students into the national movement.
In relation to this significant shift in student activism in Azerbaijan, the imposed slogans and anthems of centralists are replaced with new slogans, created based on the realities of the Azerbaijani national movement. It is not surprising that, in an attempt to undermine the authority of Azerbaijani students and marginalize slogans aligned with the national movement, those affiliated with forces that call themselves pan-Iranian suddenly appear with various tactics and anti-government displays—often supported by the implicit silence of the very authorities they are supposed to oppose. These forces, using various "isms" and chanting songs unrelated to the Azerbaijani national movement, attempt to regain control, but naturally, they will not succeed.
While the views of centralist opposition leaders both inside and outside Iran show political bankruptcy, ideological confusion, and hopelessness about the future, the Azerbaijani national movement is brimming with youthful energy, hope for building a future based on human rights, irrespective of linguistic and ethnic affiliation, and a drive for modernization and progress. If centralist leaders, fearing the collapse of the nationalist system they are deeply tied to, continuously warn of imaginary ethnic conflicts and the so-called danger of disintegration, and in clear contradiction to their claims of anti-government thought, have entered into a "sacred alliance" with the Islamic Republic, the Azerbaijani national movement, understanding the main obstacles to democracy in Iran, will not settle for anything less than dismantling the current apartheid system, which has been the main barrier to the establishment of true democracy and the implementation of sound economic, cultural, and political policies in Iran since the Constitutional Revolution.
The Azerbaijani National Movement is the Movement of the Entire Azerbaijani People
The reality is that the blows the people of Azerbaijan have endured for over eighty years due to the pressures of Persian chauvinism have affected almost all of the Azerbaijani population. Among them, however, there are elements such as large landowners and social parasites who, in their own nature, have eagerly aligned themselves in opposition to the masses, finding a natural ally in their support of chauvinism and becoming part of its forces. However, it must be emphasized that the pressure of chauvinism and the damages resulting from it have not been equal across different social and economic classes in Azerbaijan. It is obvious that these impacts have been far more severe and significant for the working class and committed intellectuals of Azerbaijan. The small capitalists of Azerbaijan, who were severely limited compared to similar classes in Persian regions, often had to transfer their economic and managerial capabilities outside of Azerbaijan due to state-planned policies that shut down and stifled the Turkish-speaking regions. In comparison to the working class, they had more opportunities to adapt to the new conditions due to their financial resources and their connections in the economy, as well as their higher level of education and management skills. Meanwhile, the impact on the working classes, such as peasants displaced from villages, workers, teachers, and intellectuals of Azerbaijani origin, was far more intense and exhausting. For example, Azerbaijani migrants in central Iran and Tehran, compared to other workers and the working class in these areas, faced much lower living conditions, and additionally, due to the nature of their labor, they suffered from compounded oppression.
It was no coincidence that after the fall of Reza Shah's dark era, the backbone of all Azerbaijani movements was formed by the working class of Azerbaijan, supported by small capitalists and local merchants. In fact, the Azerbaijani movements have demonstrated the uprising of all people against the deadly cancer of civil and national repression, without regard for class affiliations. This point is especially important in relation to the unfair attacks from the centralist, self-proclaimed leftist thinkers against the current Azerbaijani movement. These individuals repeatedly claim that there is no difference between the exploitation of Azerbaijani workers by Turkish and Persian capitalists, and they argue that, initially, the class interests of Azerbaijani workers should separate them from the Azerbaijani national movement, and their place should be in opposition to local capitalism, aligned with workers throughout Iran. It is clear that in this argument, the issue of the common conflict of Azerbaijanis with chauvinistic policies, a major factor in non-Persian regions, is ignored. The relationship between capitalists and workers does not operate in a vacuum; it is influenced by external conditions and the pressure of a system that intends to break and destroy both forces indiscriminately. Based on the undeniable reality that both these classes are jointly trapped in the prison of fascism and chauvinism, unable to grow and evolve naturally and normally, their primary interests lie in overcoming this main obstacle to their shared natural development, which outweighs internal contradictions between them. The workers, peasants, and other toiling classes of Azerbaijan, by actively participating in the Azerbaijani national movement and aligning with all social classes of Azerbaijan to dismantle the oppressive apartheid system, have correctly recognized that, regardless of the inevitable class contradictions with the capitalist system, they must first break free from this obstructive and reactionary chain that not only destroys their national and human identity but also deprives them of their bargaining power due to imposed stagnation in their region, leaving them with unequal job opportunities in new locations due to migration.
The organization of the working class of Azerbaijan under the banner of the Azerbaijani national movement does not mean rejecting the very existence of class contradictions and the inevitable struggle arising from these contradictions, nor does it mean suspending this struggle. On the contrary, it is an effort to break the obstructive chains to enable the growth and flourishing of class struggles in a free and normal environment, thereby paving the way for trade union and political organization based on class affiliations. From this perspective, the joint struggle of French workers alongside capitalist-supporting generals during the Nazi occupation of France becomes justifiable, as does the alliance between revolutionary peasants and urban workers during the rule of the Azerbaijani Democratic Party in the period of the Democratic Government of Azerbaijan.
The Azerbaijani National Movement is a Joint Movement of Federalists and Pro-Independence Advocates
The ultimate goal of the Azerbaijani national movement is to achieve national sovereignty. National sovereignty, which means granting the people of Azerbaijan the power to manage their own affairs, was temporarily established during the period of the Azerbaijani National Government under the leadership of the Democratic Party. Since then, achieving this sovereignty has been the hope of Azerbaijan's freedom fighters. The need for national sovereignty arises, on one hand, from the necessity to establish a framework for the will of the people, and on the other hand, to ensure the continuity of the people's authority and prevent the return and dominance of chauvinism.
An important point is that reaching this stage does not necessarily mean secession from the current structure of Iran. Ultimately, it will be the people of Azerbaijan who, after acquiring national sovereignty and establishing democratic institutions, will collectively decide whether to adopt a federal system in collaboration with other nationalities within Iran under specific conditions, or to choose the path of independence.
Achieving national sovereignty is a common goal, and until this point is reached, all sincere forces participating in this movement are allies and partners. Based on this democratic approach, the Azerbaijani national movement includes all sincere forces that believe in the principle of national sovereignty in Azerbaijan, including both federalists and pro-independence advocates, even though they represent different and opposing views regarding the structure of the future Azerbaijani society.
The Azerbaijani National Movement Aims to Build a Modern and Progressive Society
Although Azerbaijan is considered a part of the underdeveloped regions of the Third World, its historical background of popular awakening and the experiences of national governments formed in Azerbaijan or in neighboring Turkish-speaking regions make it certain that the society built after the establishment of national sovereignty will see itself as part of the modern, progressive, and industrialized world. In fact, breaking away from the Third World status is not only about material progress, economic prosperity, and welfare for the Azerbaijani people, but also involves the creation and maintenance of democratic structures based on healthy and natural human relations. The experience of Turkey, which, rising from the ashes of several centuries of Ottoman Empire religious dominance, has become a modern society in nearly eighty years, and the experience of northern Azerbaijan, which, despite the difficulties caused by the occupation of part of its land, has been building a society in recent years that follows the same path, are significant and noteworthy examples.
Paying attention to these experiences, especially in comparison with the situation caused by Persian chauvinism in Iran, provides valuable lessons. During the period following the Constitutional Revolution, which coincided with the era when Turkey transformed from a burned land to a modern country, the people of Azerbaijan in Iran experienced the disastrous backward and reactionary policies of governments based on ancient nationalism. It is based on this experience that the Azerbaijani national movement has correctly chosen the path of progress and modernity, striving to build a society in which civil and cultural equality for all people is established, and where, by cutting ties with regressive and religious traditions incompatible with the norms of the free world, Azerbaijan will create a prosperous, happy, and thriving society.
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It is true that the Azerbaijani national movement is fighting for the natural right of the Azerbaijani people to exercise sovereignty over themselves, but at the same time, it has the potential to be a means of liberation for the peoples of other nations residing in Iran. The dismantling of the decayed and reactionary chauvinistic system that has ruled Iran for over eighty years, and which has been the main obstacle to the natural growth and development of the nations residing in Iran, is a transformation that will free all the peoples of Iran from the grip of baseless ideologies of primordialism and racism. It will take them out of opposition and conflict with the modern world, establish true democracy based on respect for the human rights of all residents of this land, and recognize all people as equal human beings, regardless of race, language, gender, or religion. Liberating people from the shackles of baseless prejudices and beliefs will create individuals who are adaptable to the current world and will open a new path for them.
If Azerbaijani activists over the past eighty years, despite all their efforts to bring about fundamental changes suitable for their time, have ended up trapped in the system of Aryan chauvinist domination and, whether willingly or unwillingly, fell into its grasp, this time, the new generation of Azerbaijani activists, having learned from past experiences, in alignment with global transformations and inspired by the achievements of other liberated societies, especially relying on the tremendous power of the younger generation, has the determination and capability to carry their movement through to the end, without deviation, and put a permanent end to the dominance of destructive chauvinism and fascism in Iran.
Original Text in Farsi