Yousef Azizi Benitorof - April 21, 2011
When you listen to a Kurd, Baloch, Turk, Turkmen, or Sunni Iranian speak, you hear the same sentiments as those expressed by an Iranian Arab: “The worst injustice is inflicted upon us,” and “What sin did we commit to be born in this hellhole?” Some might argue that the Islamic Republic regime—especially under Ahmadinejad and his associates—has made Iran a hell for all its citizens. However, for non-Persians and non-Shiites, Iran is a hell with multifaceted torment.
Many in Iran still fail to realize that the oppression suffered by non-Persian ethnicities in the country is twice as severe as that experienced by Persians. For instance, when Persian citizens demand “freedom of expression,” non-Persian ethnicities are demanding “freedom of language.” Their languages remain chained, and their primary demand is freedom in education, publishing, and expression in their mother tongues.
The events of recent days in Ahvaz and its surrounding cities have once again exposed ethnic oppression to public view. The bright sunlight of the province illuminated this blatant injustice, particularly when the blood of young Arab Ahvazis was spilled in the province’s capital and in Hamidiyeh, Fallahiyeh, and Shadegan. Dozens were killed or injured, and hundreds were arrested—this was the price paid by the Arab people of Ahvaz for merely intending to hold peaceful protests. In reality, these people were fired upon even before they could begin their demonstrations. Security forces didn’t even allow them to leave their homes, killing them at their doorsteps. The result, according to Shirin Ebadi, was 12 martyrs and dozens injured.
For the first time, Ms. Ebadi showed some awareness of the ethnic issue, which deserves gratitude. However, she made two major mistakes in describing the situation of the people of Ahvaz (Khuzestan).
First, she referred to them as “Arabic-speaking people,” a term that the Arab community finds offensive. They argue that they were not something else, such as Persian or Lur, who then “became Arabic-speaking.” It is well known that nationalists often use this term. The people themselves prefer to describe themselves as “Arab Ahvazis” or “Iranian Arabs.”
Second, her misstep stemmed from a lack of familiarity with Iranian ethnicities. She described the Arab people of the Ahvaz region (Khuzestan) as Sunni. In fact, the majority of these people are Shi’a, although Sunni Islam is gaining traction among the youth but remains a minority trend.
Third, Ms. Ebadi incorrectly characterized the Arab Ahvazi struggle against ethnic oppression as a religious conflict between Sunni Arabs and a Shi’a government. The issue facing Arab people and other non-Persian ethnicities in Iran is fundamentally an ethnic problem, although in some areas, such as Balochistan and Kurdistan, it intertwines with religious discrimination. In Ahvaz, however, racial discrimination is the dominant issue.
The reality is that the overthrow of Arab rule in a region they autonomously governed until 1925—abolishing their national sovereignty under the “Mamalik-e-Mahrouseh” system of the Qajar era—and replacing it with a highly centralized monarchy, and later the Islamic Republic, has led to today’s oppressive conditions. The vast poverty belt in Arab-majority cities like Ahvaz, the seizure of hundreds of hectares of Arab farmers’ lands, the denial of education in their mother tongue during primary school, efforts to Persianize them through both soft and hard tactics, and the continuation of anti-Arab rhetoric in Persian-language media have all contributed to the current unjust situation.
These heavy pressures and injustices occasionally ignite protests and uprisings by the Arab people of Ahvaz against national inequality. While the recent events have likely been silenced by the authoritarian Islamic Republic regime, what is truly surprising is the silence of Iranian political and civil figures, parties, and organizations regarding the massacre of our Arab compatriots. Except for Ms. Ebadi’s statement to the UN Human Rights Council, which was timely and appropriate, no political figure, party, or group—left, right, or center—has issued a statement condemning the killing of Arab protesters.
This indifference or neglect only deepens the long-standing mistrust of the Arab people towards intellectuals, figures, and political and cultural organizations of the dominant ethnicity.
Currently, a wave of mass arrests is targeting young Arab activists across most cities in the province. Prisons are filled with individuals detained out of fear of continued protests and demonstrations. All free-minded individuals must demand the release of all Arabs detained during these protests. Additionally, financial compensation should be provided to the families of the victims, and efforts should be made to console the Arab people of Ahvaz (Khuzestan). Ignoring these issues risks radicalizing the national movement of the Arab people of Ahvaz.
The link to the original article in Farsi on Shahrvand:
دشواری عرب بودن در ایران/ یوسف عزیزی بنی طرف