Ruzbeh Saadati – August 19, 2011
When our society is examined from the perspective of development, the prevailing atmosphere takes neither a traditional form nor conforms to the parameters of modernity. Rather, it is a society detached from tradition and not yet arrived at modernism—a society in which a vast, indifferent mass comprises a significant portion of the population. A mass that does not gather out of awareness of a shared interest or common goal. A mass that lacks the sense of distinction necessary to unite them around specific, limited, and achievable objectives.
The Mass!!!
The term "mass" refers to those groups that, being nothing more than a collection of identity-less and indifferent individuals, cannot be organized into structures based on mutual interests, such as political parties, professional organizations, or trade unions. Hence, the goal of totalitarian regimes is to organize these masses and mobilize them against critics of the current state of affairs. And they are successful in doing so. This strategy is known as mass mobilization.
Such governments rely so heavily on numerical strength that even under ideal conditions, a totalitarian regime can rarely take root in countries with small populations. In this type of democracy—or rather, pseudo-democracy—the majority may rule over the minority with a cruel sense of compulsion. For instance, between 1885 and 1922, the British government, despite excluding women from political participation, was considered democratic; yet this did not prevent it from oppressing Ireland.
In such governments, if there are no checks and balances to control state power, the ruling authority will soon acquire dangerously excessive power. This concern applies especially to the security forces, judiciary, and police. In essence, the survival and continued existence of these institutions—which themselves ensure the continuation of other state institutions—are guaranteed through the conviction and marginalization of critics whose demands, for whatever reason, conflict with the interests of the state and the status quo.
The first fundamental step these institutions take in achieving such dominance is the assassination of the legal and moral character of critics. We have witnessed this tactic employed against Azerbaijani activists many times. It is as though the judicial institutions in Azerbaijan are not tasked with uncovering crimes, but rather with arresting select groups of our people whenever the need arises. This dominance seeks to organize our society in such a way that its diversity and differences with other communities in Iran are erased, homogenizing them into a single entity.
From a legal perspective, perhaps the most troubling aspect is the transformation of the concept of "suspect" into the notion of an objective enemy, and the replacement of "potential crime" with "suspicion of wrongdoing" [1]. In this way, the idea of being a suspect will extend not just to Azerbaijani activists, but to our entire people. Any idea in any field of Azerbaijani human activity that deviates from the official—often unwritten—narrative becomes suspect. Fundamentally, human beings are considered suspect simply for their ability to think!
Recently, six Azerbaijani identity rights activists—Asgar Akbarzadeh, Hossein Hosseini, Behrouz Alizadeh, Ardeshir Karimi Khiavi, Vadood Sa'adati, and Rahim Gholami—have been sentenced in Ardabil to five years in prison with exile. The situation is such that if you speak of an identity that has long been under attack, your audience will warn you of a prison cell they seem to know all too well! That is, the sentencing of activists has become normalized, not only for the activists themselves but for the general public—and that is exactly what the regime wants.
If this trend is not stopped, today people may be sentenced to five years in prison and exile for participating in a dance class or commemorating a cultural figure—and tomorrow…?
In such circumstances, apathy, retreat, and silence provide fertile ground for increased pressure on activists and will have detrimental consequences. Beyond that, the mere concept of tactical retreat—even if temporary—delays the realization of rightful demands.
One of the tools for curbing the power of intimidation is publicity, information dissemination, and awareness-raising. There must be space to declare and publish complaints and demands. Advocacy and mobilization should be possible, provided it does not incite people to break the law. When legitimate demands cannot be addressed through routine processes, the public must be made aware of shared national issues and the issuance of such sentences, so that the legitimacy of these actions and the institutions that issue them is questioned. As a result, the regime's illegitimate use of power should diminish.
The regime must not be allowed to silence the legitimacy of our activists' violated rights through intimidation and harsh sentences. If it succeeds, such verdicts will become normalized and will reoccur in even more unreasonable forms in the future. The failure of peaceful tactics leads to more confrontational actions—not in the sense of violence, but in the form of civil disobedience (sit-ins, strikes, etc.). Using negative resistance methods signifies that the judicial rulings and the institutions behind them are untrustworthy. The regime must be made to understand this truth: Repression and intimidation will only strengthen the resolve for identity-based demands.
A successful movement is one that carries civil and social meaning, yet many of us live in isolation. That’s why we surrender to whatever comes our way.
And finally, let it be said: only an internal imperative validates human relationships and identity beyond our relations with others. This imperative is what equips a person to endure the pressures of intimidation—even when they stand alone. Sadly, it is something many of us these days are deprived of.
The Regime’s Interpretation of Totalitarianism Based on the Book Totalitarianism by Hannah Arendt
عینیت توتالیتاریسم در احکام صادره برای فعالین مدنی آذربایجانOriginal Farsi Article:
https://web.archive.org/web/20120226034021/http://ruzbeh-s.blogfa.com/post-1.aspx