Theses on the Challenges of Ethnic Discrimination in Iran

 Mehrdad Darvishpour - Radio Zamaneh - April 10, 2019



The author argues that the preservation of Iran's democratic unity hinges on the establishment of a democratic system that actively addresses ethnic discrimination and promotes a fairer distribution of power. This approach, they suggest, is essential for bridging ethnic divides, reducing tensions, and fostering inclusivity within the nation.

  1. ♦ The term "ethnic" (ethnicité) is a precise and well-established global concept that can be used instead of "tribe" or "nation" to avoid scholastic disputes over defining "self" or re-defining "the other." While the Persian translation of "ethnic" corresponds to "ethnicity," some prefer using the term "sub-nation" based on the same ethnic or religious distinctions within a nation. By all international definitions, Iran is a multi-ethnic country where Persian is the mother tongue of approximately two-thirds to three-quarters of the population. Nonetheless, none of the large, multi-million-strong "ethnic minorities" in Iran enjoy specific rights in areas such as official language policy, the right to mother-tongue education, political representation, administrative and geographic laws, or cultural policies. On the contrary, during the authoritarian formation of the nation-state in Iran and under assimilation policies, the position of ethnic groups labeled as minorities has been marginalized, and ethnic and religious discrimination—especially against non-Shia ethnic groups—has intensified.

  2. ♦ In contrast to ethnicity, the concept of "nation" (nation) is not only tied to a unified geography but also to the formation of a national government, even though it remains a historical, subjective, and fluid concept. Referring to Iran as a "multi-national country" is largely inspired by Bolshevik and Comintern definitions of Tsarist Russia as a "prison of nations," which was a prevalent discourse among the Iranian Left in the past. However, concepts such as "national captivity" and the related demand for "national liberation" and the right to self-determination, including the right to secession outlined in the Charter of Human Rights, primarily refer to the rights of occupied or colonized countries or to territorial divisions stemming from such relationships.

    Mehrdad Darvishpour, sociologist
  3. ♦ Ethnic identity is more of a subjective and socially constructed concept stemming from a group’s "sense of belonging" that can become stronger or weaker depending on the context and circumstances. Today, defining ethnicity based on biological (blood or kinship) characteristics has lost credibility, and instead, "cultural characteristics" are emphasized. Many argue that relying on "biological characteristics" for defining race has often been used to justify racial superiority. While in ethnology, "shared culture" is considered a unifying factor within ethnic groups, it raises questions about emphasizing a shared sense of belonging without overly emphasizing boundaries with "the other." Furthermore, culture is not static, and ethnic groups are not monolithic; cultural commonalities cannot be entirely taken as the basis for ethnic identity. A shared language might be the only objective element in defining ethnic identity, serving as a critical factor in maintaining internal group connections, though this too is contested. Ethnic groups exist that speak different languages, while others share a language despite ethnic distinctions.

  4. ♦ Ethnic groups may generally be defined as "a group of people with a shared language and belief in common culture and history," but essentialist perspectives reduce ethnic relations to the "cultural characteristics" of a specific group in contrast to "the other," perpetuating "us versus them" dichotomies often seen in racist discourse. Overemphasizing ethnic identity based on "shared culture" risks creating a mythical, static, and homogeneous image of ethnic groups, which is incompatible with the internal diversity and cultural transformations within them. Moreover, the dynamic and ever-changing nature of culture and the existence of dominant, subcultures, and alternative cultures within ethnic groups cannot be ignored. Thus, conflating ethnicity and culture remains highly contentious, especially given the nearly 300 definitions of culture that exist.

  5. ♦ Ethnic identity and belonging are more contextual and process-oriented, involving a form of interaction and mutual understanding—both internal and external—among ethnic groups. Strengthening such "shared feelings" relies on active relationships among ethnic group members and their representative organizations, which, through the struggle for ethnic rights, pass this shared sense to future generations.

  6. ♦ Relations between ethnic groups reflect unequal power dynamics and broader patterns of social injustice and discrimination. Any analysis of ethnic relations that excludes the role of power inequality risks blaming marginalized ethnic groups for their position rather than critiquing the structures that marginalize them. The majority society, which often avoids defining itself in ethnic terms, tends to identify with national belonging, reflecting its lack of subjugation or discrimination. This, however, does not preclude condescension or discriminatory attitudes toward ethnic minorities.

  7. ♦ Globally, ethnic relations manifest in four forms:
    a. Indigenous ethnic minorities marginalized by a dominant ethnic majority.
    b. Discriminatory ethnic relations arising from immigration, where migrants are transformed into minority ethnic groups by the majority.
    c. Ethnic groups oscillating between tribe and nation, aspiring to statehood or independence, referred to as "tribe-nations" (e.g., Kurds in the Middle East or Catalans and Basques in Spain).
    d. Multi-ethnic and pluralistic relations where no single group has a dominant or subordinate status (e.g., Belgium and Switzerland). Only the last model reflects relative balance in ethnic power dynamics.

  8. ♦ Ignoring and concealing structural and institutional discrimination against ethnic minorities does not foster social solidarity or democratic cohesion. Instead, it exacerbates ethnic tensions, divergence, and the rise of ethnic ideologies. Neglecting ethnic oppression or discrimination makes territorial integrity and national sovereignty dependent on authoritarian measures, intensifying ethnic polarization and tensions.

  9. ♦ Ethnic ideologies, or ethnocentrism, aiming to reinforce ethnic homogeneity and identity, do not necessarily lead to reducing ethnic discrimination or strengthening democracy and citizenship rights. Instead, they may fuel ethnic divergence and prejudice. The rise of ethnic and national identities among groups marginalized by globalization, although a natural reaction, is not always positive, as it often relies on nostalgic narratives.

  10. ♦ In Iran, the ideological failure of Islamism, alongside the challenges facing overarching ideologies like socialism and liberalism, has led to the simultaneous rise of conflicting indigenous ideologies: Iranian nationalism and ethnic ideologies. Iranian nationalism has gained ground in reaction to the decline of the "Islamic Ummah" concept, emphasizing national solidarity. Simultaneously, anti-discrimination awareness and ethnic identity have grown, influenced by global and regional developments, such as the dissolution of the Eastern Bloc, Kurdish empowerment, and foreign interventions.

  11. ♦ Without addressing ethnic discrimination, ethnic tensions in Iran could take a dangerous turn. Resolving these issues requires dialogue with ethnic groups labeled as minorities and striving for mutual agreements. The Islamic Republic’s repressive policies of denying ethnic demands have turned ethnic tensions into a ticking time bomb that could lead to civil war in a power vacuum.

  12. ♦ Beyond Iranian nationalist maximalism and ethnic ideologies promoting federalism or separatism, a third approach is necessary: proactive anti-discrimination policies. These policies foster social cohesion and inclusivity, such as affirmative action, recognizing Charles Taylor's concept of "special rights," and decentralization.

  13. ♦ Proactive anti-discrimination policies differ from ethnic and national ideologies by promoting inclusivity, reducing tensions, and strengthening social cohesion without undermining individual rights, gender equality, or state impartiality.

  14. ♦ Such policies align with preserving territorial integrity and national sovereignty while promoting democratic harmony across ethnic groups.

  15. ♦ Democratic unity in Iran depends on establishing a democratic system and addressing ethnic disparities through measures like decentralization, local self-governance, affirmative action, and ensuring education in mother tongues alongside Persian. These steps can enrich Iran's multi-ethnic fabric without risking ongoing discrimination or divergence.

This article summarizes key points from the author’s lecture delivered during a Paltalk panel discussion moderated by Daryoush Parsa on March 31.


The link to the original article in Farsi on Radio Zamaneh:
تزهایی در باره چالش‌های تبعیض اتنیکی در ایران