The Position of Turkish from Reza Shah to Pishavari (1920-1945)

Younes Leysi-Derilou (Younes.Leysi@gmail.com) - December 12, 2021

An overview of the trajectory and fate of the discussion about the Turkish language and its manifestation in the political arena until the rise of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party, its downfall, and the eventual attainment of the right to speak and be taught in the mother tongue in Iranian Azerbaijan.

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The status of the Turkish language from the time Reza Shah came to power until the establishment of the national government of Azerbaijan under the leadership of Sayed Jafar Pishavari experienced both decline and resurgence. During Reza Shah’s rule, the Turkish language was heavily suppressed. Ahmad Kasravi and others with Pan-Iranian ideologies, both during Reza Shah's reign and afterwards, sought to eliminate Turkish by promoting the theory of “Azari” as a language distinct from Turkish. Accusations against the Turkish language, alongside the promotion of the Persian language and the economic oppression of Azerbaijan, became central to Reza Shah’s policies. However, when Iran was occupied by Soviet forces and Reza Shah was exiled by British forces, the way was paved for the promotion of Turkish in Azerbaijan. During the short-lived year of the Azerbaijan National Government, Azerbaijani Turkish flourished, and after its collapse, Mohammad Reza Shah’s government took measures to destroy books written in Turkish and followed in the footsteps of his father.

Turkish under Reza Shah 

During the Qajar era and prior to that, Iranian governments viewed the country as a collection of states, divided based on regions and provinces. The rulers considered Iran as having several provinces: Azerbaijan, Fars, Khorasan, and Kerman, with other administrative divisions such as regions, cities, towns, villages, and districts being subject to these provinces. Before Reza Shah, Iran had no more than four provinces. Reza Shah disliked this division and sought to create a new structure.

Abolqasem Forouhar, a jurist and diplomat, was the Minister of the Interior at the time and was tasked with creating a new division of the country. Reza Shah regarded military service zones as more important than the Ministry of the Interior, subordinating the Ministry to military organization, and desired to establish multiple military divisions in some provinces to better safeguard the country from its neighbors. A clear example is Azerbaijan, which was bordered by the Soviet Union on one side and the Turks on the other. Therefore, Azerbaijan was divided into two regions: Eastern and Western, with military centers established in Urmia (Rezaieh) and Tabriz. However, these divisions did not satisfy him, as regions like Mazandaran, Gilan, and the Caspian coastline, which were also influenced by Communist neighboring countries, could not remain without military presence. Thus, these regions were also divided into two provinces, and Tehran was added to Mazandaran. The matter did not end there, as military bases in northern regions could cause grievances from other regions, so places like Kermanshah and Khuzestan were also given administrative status. As a result, Iran’s original four provinces expanded into several, and the Ministry of the Interior’s budget grew significantly.

On November 7, 1937, Abolqasem Forouhar submitted the proposal for administrative divisions to the National Consultative Assembly, which approved the division of Iran into six provinces: North-West, West, North, South, North-East, and Makran. These provinces were further subdivided into counties, districts, and blocks. The terms for provinces, counties, districts, governors, district governors, and village chiefs, which had been approved by the Academy of Iran, became widely used with this law. The second major action taken by the Ministry of the Interior under Forouhar was copying the French administrative division model and its corresponding laws. Terms like Azerbaijan, Khorasan, Fars, Khuzestan, and Tabaristan were converted into provinces with assigned numbers. For example, the fifth and ninth provinces referred to Azerbaijan and Fars, respectively. Just three months after these divisions, a new proposal on January 9, 1938, divided the country into ten provinces, each identified by a number from one to ten (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Map of Iran in 1937; Iran during the reign of Reza Shah was divided into ten provinces, which were referred to by numbers.

Reza Shah’s absolute government, as part of its nation-building project, aimed at homogenization by changing the names of regions, cities, villages, streets, and even mountains, valleys, and rivers. In its drive for total Persianization, the goal was for the central authority to exercise power across Iran in such a way that no language other than Persian could survive [2]. At the suggestion of Mohammad Ali Foroughi, the Geography Commission affiliated with the Academy of Iran was established. The task of this commission was to convert the names of Iranian places into Persian. According to the Academy’s terminology, all languages spoken by the peoples of the country, except Persian, were considered foreign. The heads of this institution were Foroughi and Vossough-ol-Dowleh. One of the commission's documents stated that "if geographical names contain words such as tea, river, well, and similar terms, these foreign names should be identified and changed into Persian" [3].

On December 3, 1930, Reza Shah ordered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to change the country's name from Persia to Iran and instructed the Ministry of the Interior to change the names of cities [4]. Previously, the name "Mamalek-e Mahrouseh" (the protected territories) had been commonly used. The Seljuk Empire, which spanned from Kashgar in China to the Mediterranean, referred to its territories as "Mamalek-e Mahrouseh" (countries safeguarded from foreign enemies). The name "Mamalek-e Mahrouseh Iran" can be seen on Qajar-era stamps, as well as the first stamps issued under Reza Shah (Figure 2).

Figure 2. The first stamp of Reza Shah, depicting his coronation, where the name "Mamalek-e-Mahrouseh" (the protected realms) can be seen.

More than 107 new geographical names were invented. The most significant changes occurred in areas populated by Turks, Turkmen, and Kurds [2], such as: "Qara Dagh" to Arasbaran, "Urmia" to Rezaieh, "Salmas" to Shapur, "Qushachay" to Miyandoab, "Difaraqan/Tufaraqan" to Azarshahr, "Tikan Tepe" to Takab, "Qara Tikan" to Azadshahr, "Siyah Dahan" to Takestan, "Qara Su" to Bandar Shah, "Aq Qala" to Pahlavi Dej, "Bandar Turkmen" to Bandar Shah, and so on. Outside Azerbaijan: "Bandar Anzali" became Bandar Pahlavi, "Dozdab" became Zahedan, "Nasratabad/Nasirabad" became Zabol, "Mohammara" became Khorramshahr, "Estarabad" became Gorgan, "Rab-e Karim" became Shahriar, "Khor Musi" became Bandar Shahpour, "Aliabad" became Shahi, "Habibabad" became Nowshahr, "Barforush" became Babol, "Ashraf" became Behshahr, "Qomsha" became Shahreza, "Soltanabad" became Arak, "Fahraj" became Iranshahr, "Tun" became Ferdows, and so on [5]. Additionally, Reza Shah changed all military divisions that had Turkish names. For example, "Yuzbashi" (commander of 100 men) and "Mianbashi" (commander of a thousand men).

Alongside Reza Shah’s nation-building policies, there was a focus on economic investment in the central regions of Iran, which were primarily Persian-speaking. As a result of such policies, a large influx of migrants from Azerbaijan and Turkish-speaking regions poured into the central provinces. The presence of a significant number of Turkish-speaking people in cities such as Tehran, Isfahan, Semnan, Kerman, and others, along with the presence of Azerbaijani, Shabestari, and Ardabili communities and mosques in these Persian-speaking centers, is evidence of this migration [6]. However, the reverse migration, i.e., the presence of Persian-speaking neighborhoods in Turkish-speaking regions—whether in large cities or smaller towns—was not observed. A statistical study of the population in 1940 shows that Azerbaijan, with a 23% emigration rate to the central provinces and a reduction in its population, was the leading province in this regard [7]. Additionally, according to available statistics, only 5% of the population in Azerbaijan were Persian speakers. For example, according to a report from the 7th section of the Political Department of the Transcaucasian Military District, titled "Southern Azerbaijan: A Brief Historical, Ethnic, and Economic Article" from 1940, it was estimated that 5.5 million people lived in Southern Azerbaijan, of whom just over 80% were Turks, 10% were Kurds, 5% were Persians, and the rest were Talysh, Gilaki, Assyrian, Armenian, and other ethnic groups [8][9][10].

During the same historical period, before the implementation of the language policy in Iran, Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) in Turkey declared Turkish as the official language of the country. Before him, in France, King Louis XIV forced all French people to use the French language [6]. However, the approach of the officials in Turkey under Atatürk and in Iran under Reza Shah differed in how they implemented their policies. This could largely be attributed to the differences in their personalities and pasts.

Various descriptions of Reza Shah’s character can be found in different sources. It has been written that Reza Shah was a person with a strong will, organized, a planner, farsighted, self-disciplined, charismatic, and a keen judge of character [11]. He had a large nose, white mustache, and broad shoulders. When he walked, his presence added to his dignity and grandeur, and due to his aura and majesty, he instilled great fear in the hearts of the people [12]. Among his prominent flaws were that he was materialistic, self-centered, poorly educated, narrow-minded, excessively ambitious, ungrateful, unjust, highly suspicious, and cold-hearted. His open friends were his royal family and some senior military officers, while his public enemies were the main figures behind the coup, the victims of oppression, and freedom fighters. His ideology and philosophy were marked by extreme ambition and a thirst for power, the independence and progress of Iran, suppressing all dissenters, eliminating intellectuals and those with character, and creating a totalitarian regime. The public’s opinion of him was one of victimhood towards the oppressor [11]. Reza Shah was illiterate and unsophisticated [13]. Few were able to meet him. Only one foreign journalist, Eugene Lyon, succeeded in meeting him [12]. Throughout his reign, Reza Shah only made one foreign trip, which was to Turkey, where he met Mustafa Kemal.

Before gaining power, Reza Khan was illiterate in any language. Malik al-Shu'ara Bahar, the poet laureate, read a letter from Reza Khan when he was a brigadier, and in that brief letter, 19 spelling errors were noted. When Reza Shah established the Academy of Persian Language, he even intervened in the selection of words, influencing people like Mohammad Ali Foroughi and Ali Asghar Hekmat. Word selection also depended on the will of "His Excellency" [13]. However, Atatürk was a well-educated person with extensive training. He had experienced and directly interacted with the West. Atatürk advanced the modernization process through institutions such as the parliament and the party, while Reza Shah emptied both of their substance and could not even tolerate the two artificial, handpicked political parties he created [14].

In terms of language and cultural policies towards ethnic groups, both governments were similar. In Turkey, Atatürk harshly dealt with the Kurdish language and culture, just as Reza Shah did with the languages of non-Persian ethnic groups in Iran [14]. Both leaders emphasized nationalism to an extreme: Reza Shah focused on Persian nationalism, and Atatürk on Turkish nationalism. Within the framework of nationalism, both engaged in anti-religious actions, secularizing society, and suppressing the languages and cultures of minorities and ethnic groups. In Turkey, being Turkish, and in Iran, being Persian, were considered central to national identity. In both countries, the fate of the Kurds was tragic. In Turkey, Atatürk essentially denied the Kurds' existence and referred to all citizens as "Turks." According to Kemalist ideology, Kurds were referred to as "mountain Turks" [15].

Reza Shah's policy of homogenization in the realm of language had its own particular approach. The greatest sensitivity was applied to the languages of the Turks, Kurds, and Arabs. Languages were divided into two categories: official and non-official. Persian was the official language, while non-official languages, in a banned and condemned sense, referred to the languages of non-Persian ethnic groups. In April 1921, the "Young Iran" society, led by Mahmoud Afshar Yazdi, was established, and its outcome was the encouragement of the destruction of the languages of non-Persian ethnic groups in Iran. A significant portion of the founders of this society, who were "Western-returned," were themselves Azerbaijani or Turkish, including Mahmoud Afshar Yazdi (from the Afshar tribe of Azerbaijan), Ahmad Kasravi, Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh, Taqi Arani, Reza Zadeh Shafaq, Kazemzadeh Iranshahr, and others.

Mahmoud Afshar Yazdi (1872 Yazd – 1963 Tehran) was a statesman, writer, poet, and journalist. In 1925, he founded the magazine Ayandeh, which was a national, political, social, literary, and historical journal. He had studied in Switzerland, a multilingual country, but modeled his approach to non-Russian languages after Stalin's attitude towards them. An example of his writings: "If Azerbaijanis can read newspapers in Turkish and write poetry in Turkish, what need do they have for Persian? We must work to gradually replace Turkish words with Persian in Azerbaijan, so that 70% of its vocabulary becomes Persian."

Ahmad Kasravi (1890 Tabriz – 1946 Tehran) was a historian, linguist, researcher, jurist, and intellectual. He was the founder of a political-social movement aimed at creating a "secular Iranian identity" [16]. Kasravi had an exceptional talent for learning languages [17]. In November 1922 to February 1923, he wrote a series of four articles in Arabic titled "Al-Lugha al-Turkiya fi Iran" (The Turkish Language in Iran), published in the journal Al-‘Irfan in Beirut. In the third part of his article, he stated that Iranian Turks were not originally Persian speakers [18]. However, in his article "Azari or the Ancient Language of Azerbaijan", he proposed the theory that the historical language of the Azerbaijan region, before the widespread use of Azerbaijani Turkish, which historians referred to as "Azari," was a language from the Iranian language family. This theory later faced significant and widespread criticism. Kasravi had worn clerical robes in his youth but later distanced himself from clerical duties. He was a fierce critic of superstition and social customs, which led to his assassination by the Fadaiyan-e Islam (Holy Warriors of Islam) inside the court.

Ahmad Kasravi was the defense lawyer for Taghi Arani during his imprisonment in Qasr prison.

Taghi Arani (1882 Tabriz – 1939 Tehran) was born into a middle-class Turkish family in Tabriz. He studied in one of the few secular schools in the city before moving to Tehran. Amid the anti-British turmoil following World War I, he was a medical student in the capital and was inevitably drawn into the nationalist movement. In 1922, Arani graduated from a technical school and went to Berlin to continue his studies in chemistry. While living in Germany during the Weimar Republic [19], he became acquainted with socialist ideas, which were virtually unknown in Tehran and Tabriz at the time. He immersed himself in studying the works of socialist authors and grew interested in the left-wing factions of Germany, as well as the exiled Iranian Communist Party. While pursuing his doctorate, he taught Arabic at the university, wrote three short books on Persian literature – about Omar Khayyam, Saadi, and Nasir Khusraw – and gathered a circle of other Iranian students interested in socialism. However, his leftist views did not alter his nationalist stance on the language issue in Iran [20]. In an article titled "Azerbaijan: A Vital and Mortal Issue for Iran," published in an intellectual journal in Berlin, Arani defended the elimination of the Turkish language from his home province, claiming that the people of Azerbaijan, who had forgotten the Iranian language due to the Mongol invasion, were eager to relearn it: "All those who wish well for Iran, particularly the Ministry of Education, must put all their efforts into replacing Turkish with Persian. They must send Persian teachers, Persian books, Persian magazines, and Persian newspapers to Azerbaijan." In 1930, as a Marxist, Arani returned to his homeland and decided to introduce and popularize Marxism in Iran.

At the same time as Arani, another Azerbaijani in Berlin, Kazemzadeh, was writing articles in a similar style.

Hussein Kazemzadeh Iranshahr believed that "having different languages, different clothes, and different customs and ceremonies causes division and disunity." Ahmad Kasravi, within Iran at the time, spoke in the journal Peyman about the slogan "one flag, one faith, one language," arguing that "the diversity of religions, languages, and ideas is an obstacle to national unity, and we must fight against each of them." Later, these wishes and desires of intellectuals and educated individuals became part of the ideology of Reza Shah's absolute modernist state. They were linked to his archaism and served his centralization efforts, denying the language, culture, and identity of Iran’s various ethnic groups [13]. An example from this period is Sadegh Hedayat, who viewed ancient Iran with nostalgia and looked at Islam and the Arab conquest with disdain and hatred. The result of this kind of historiography was to place the social miseries of Iran on the shoulders of the Turks and Arabs, depicting them as primitive, unintelligent, aggressive, and uncivilized peoples [13].

This policy was evident even before Reza Khan became Reza Shah. In 1924, to promote the Persian language in Azerbaijan, he wrote to the Ministry of Education and Endowments: "The replacement of teachers in Azerbaijan and the sending of Persian-speaking teachers in their place for this purpose is of the utmost importance. Additionally, it is essential to appoint a number of teachers to educate children so that they are introduced to and taught the Persian language from the very beginning. Therefore, as previously requested, it is imperative to expedite decisions regarding the dispatch of teachers, with special attention to teachers and education in Azerbaijan, so that Persian is taught and promoted by force in the region. In conclusion, I must bring to your esteemed attention that, since this matter is extremely important, you must ensure that the approval and drafting of the budget for the coming year is not delayed, and that another means is allocated for the execution of this objective, with immediate action taken." However, this initiative met with resistance from the people and had the opposite effect. Government officials and Persian-speaking teachers were forced to learn Turkish in order to retain their jobs.

The continuation of the "degradation of the Turkish language" policy was the implementation of the "promotion of the Persian language" policy. It was claimed that "the speaking of Turkish by the people of Azerbaijan is merely a habit and has no substantial foundation." Furthermore, "Turkish is the language of the illiterate and semi-literate." Ultimately, "Turkish, a transient, imposed, foreign language of the conquerors and plunderers, is a stain on the people of Azerbaijan, and they must avoid speaking it in remorse and return to the heavenly language of Persian." It was asserted that "the Iranian culture, with its mystical and literary spirit, is a divine gift preserved in the Persian language" [21].

In the written dispute between the two sides over the status of Azerbaijan and the Turkish language, there were specific and contradictory statements. For example, when Azerbaijanis would mention the historical pride and ancient heritage of Azerbaijan, claiming that "Zoroaster is Azerbaijani," proponents of a unified Iran would reject this claim. However, when they wanted to emphasize Azerbaijan's attachment to Iran, they would consider Zoroaster to be from Azerbaijan. Moreover, when unifiers spoke of the Azeri language, they saw it as an indicator of ethnicity, claiming that Azerbaijani people were of the same ethnic group as Persians. However, when it came to the Turkish language, they argued that language was not an indicator of ethnicity [21]. This was despite the fact that ethnicity, language, and belief are distinct categories.

A large portion of Iran's grain was produced in Azerbaijan. Due to adequate rainfall, the spring and autumn wheat crops in Azerbaijan were extremely high, to the extent that Azerbaijan was referred to as "the granary of Iran" and "the silo of Iran." When Azerbaijan faced drought, the whole of Iran encountered problems. From 1940 to 1941, Abdullah Mostofi was the governor of Azerbaijan. He said: "The Azerbaijanis are Turks. They have eaten alfalfa and gained the Constitutional Revolution. Now, they eat hay and build Iran" [22] [23]. Khosrow Arasteh wrote in 1941: "Those who saw Azerbaijan twenty years ago, if they accept the trouble of a short journey, will confirm what I have written. Before the recent period, Azerbaijan was the eye and light of Iran, but now it is nothing but a distant ruin. Even though the heaviest taxes were imposed on us, little attention was given to the development of cities and the comfort of the Azerbaijani people. The monopoly on trade harmed Azerbaijan more than other parts of Iran" [24]. In the summer of 1940, the grain of Azerbaijan, which was worth 350 to 400 rials per load (300 kg), was purchased by Mostofi for 140 rials per load and was entirely transferred to the center.

In the winter of that same year, the city of Tabriz ran out of food. Rotten grain was brought from Gorgan to Tabriz, and it was priced at 600 rials per load. The grain was so spoiled and inedible that Mostofi, in front of a crowd, said: "It doesn’t matter. Now that the army's horses won't eat it, I will make the donkeys of Tabriz eat it!" [22]. A. Mostofi referred to the census of Tabriz as "the donkey census" [25], and in the name of creating "national unity," he forbade the use of the mother tongue in mourning ceremonies, even though the grieving mothers and fathers did not know Persian [26]. As Sultan-zadeh Tabrizi said, these actions and harsh words made the people of Tabriz "so disgusted that, not only the Persian language, but they even lost the will to live." [27]. Mohseni, the head of education in the Azerbaijan province, said: "Anyone who speaks Turkish should have a donkey's bridle put on their neck and be locked in the stable." [28]. Zoghi, the head of education who succeeded Mohseni, introduced a fine for speaking Turkish in primary schools. [22].

Mohammad Hossein Bahjat Abadi, pen name Shahriar, a poet in his 30s, wrote a poem on September 25, 1945, in response to the establishment of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan on September 12 and his opposition to it. In the poem, he referenced this issue [30] [31]:

"It is a day of sacrifice, O unfortunate Azerbaijan,
Your head is in the middle of wherever the foot of life steps.
You did not know friend from foe, and it is not your fault,
You were truthful, and your friends had no such suspicion.
They take your wheat with the promise of barley, and in the end,
They take the hay of your stable for their bread."

In the fall of 1945, in reaction to the formation of the Democratic Party, Ahmad Kasravi wrote an anonymous pamphlet, titled "What Will Be the Fate of Iran?" Despite his strong opposition to the creation of such a movement, he analyzed the factors that led to its formation. He considered the behavior of officials, particularly in Azerbaijan, and identified the year 1941 (1320 in the Iranian calendar) as the starting point for Azerbaijan’s separation. He wrote:

"One thing that is certain is that in this matter, the mistreatment by government officials in Azerbaijan (during the reign of Reza Shah) and the indifference from the center had a significant impact on the people's complaints. Especially the sharp words of many officials, such as Mostofi and Nafisi and others. These officials, sitting in Azerbaijan, ate the people's bread and called them 'children of Genghis' and ridiculed their Turkish language. Mr. Abdullah Mostofi, in Tehran, tries hard to present himself as pure and innocent. But that is not the case. I am one of the witnesses who can confirm that Mr. Mostofi—this writer and advisor—had exceeded the bounds of mistreating the Azerbaijanis. This conversation about the separation of Azerbaijan began in 1941. That year, I was in Azerbaijan, and I saw how much pain the people had from the actions of Mostofi and others. I saw how their grievances were exploited. In any case, I consider everything in these judgments, including the ill treatment of officials." [32].

Despite all this, Reza Shah’s government, by claiming that there was an interest in the Persian language in Azerbaijan, failed to affect those Azerbaijanis who felt that the rulers and governors were discriminating against them. [16].

Press

With the policy Reza Shah adopted for the nation-building project, the Azerbaijani Turkish press in Azerbaijan faced difficult conditions. The number of publications in Azerbaijan in the first half of the 1940s was very limited. The Azerbaijan newspaper, managed by Mirza Ali Shabestari and edited by Esmail Shams, was published twice a week starting from November 1, 1941, in both Persian and Turkish. Topics such as the importance of administering Azerbaijan by the will of the people, the central government, criticism of U.S. and British policies in the country, and support for a democratic government in Iran were published in the Azerbaijan newspaper [33]. In issue 24, dated December 15, 1941, an article about the language issue was published with the following content:

"… Every nation must preserve its national language, customs, and traditions, and manage its own affairs and progress. The interference of other nations regarding its language and other matters is illegal and against freedom. We declare that Azerbaijan, which has its own language, nation, and traditions, has the right to preserve its mother tongue, to provide education in schools, and to publish books in this language" [34]. This article was published before the Vatan Yolunda newspaper, which follows below, and indicates the existence of such demands in Azerbaijan, in contrast to the belief of some who attribute everything in Azerbaijan to Russian interference and Stalin's policies. Figure 3 shows another example of the newspaper's content related to this issue. At the same time, the newspaper supported the independent thought, the correctness of the Azerbaijani nation, and the incorrectness of the term "Iranian nation" [34].

Figure 3. (Right) Students: "O Mirza, we have a language too, let us learn it a little." Teacher: "No! That language isn't worth it. I must put this language into your throats." (Left): The late Molla Nasreddin, 35 years ago, described this country in such a way that it still stands as it was [29].

When, in September 1941, Soviet planes dropped leaflets and announcements in the skies over Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, most Turks and Kurds were delighted. Hîman, a Kurdish poet, wrote [35]:

"When Soviet planes dropped papers and leaflets written in Kurdish from the sky for the people, believe me, I felt like I was going to fly with happiness. The papers were manifestos written in Kurdish. Is it a dream or reality? A superpower like the Soviet Union dropping manifestos in Kurdish? It wasn’t insignificant to me..."

With the assistance and support of the Soviet Union, the first issue of the magazine Vatan Yolunda (On the Path of the Homeland) was published on April 10, 1944 / Farvardin 1323 in Azerbaijani Turkish in Iranian Azerbaijan. The magazine received such a warm welcome that some of its readers were willing to obtain it at any cost. Interestingly, despite the small population at the time and the fact that only ten percent of the people were literate, the magazine's circulation reached four thousand copies! This thirst for knowledge indicated that they were, for the first time, witnessing a publication in their mother tongue, a language that had been considered illegal for writing for the past 20 years [37].

Vatan Yolunda was a literary magazine that covered military and war news from the Allies. The Soviets promoted Azerbaijani Turkish as a literary language. Following the recommendation of Aziz Aliyev, a cultural group was formed in which cultural activities such as music and theater were performed in Azerbaijani. Soviet groups came to Azerbaijan's cities to regularly perform ballet and opera. The Soviet propaganda office in Tabriz published books consisting of folk songs, stories, and poems in the Azerbaijani language. Azerbaijani Turkish poetry nights were organized, and there was a strong emphasis on translating Persian and European books into Turkish [38].

All of this took place while Soviet authorities within the Soviet Union were suppressing Turkish nationalist sentiments. According to Michel Mallerb, "In the Soviet Union, if there was truly respect for Turkish culture, the preservation and expansion of relations between the Turkish republics and Turkey should have been freely allowed. Or, if for political reasons this was temporarily unfeasible, efforts should have been made to strengthen the sense of belonging of Soviet Turkish speakers to a larger, united Turkish community." It would be unfair to overlook the efforts of Soviet linguists in preserving or saving the minority languages [39].

Tudeh Party of Iran

Taqi Arani died in February 1318 (1939) in the Qasr Prison in Tehran, sixteen months after his trial. His colleagues accused the prison authorities of refusing to provide him with adequate medical treatment, which they claimed led to his death. However, the authorities maintained that he died from an incurable case of typhus. Whatever the truth, the group had lost a valuable leader. The rest of them remained in prison until the Allied forces reached Tehran. On 17th of Shahrivar 1320 (September 8, 1941), just two days after Reza Shah's abdication, 27 of the "Fifty-three," who were mostly intellectuals and thus considered less dangerous, were released. Those who maintained their political beliefs decided to form a party with the ambitious and inclusive title of "The Masses" (Tudeh) [20].

After Reza Shah's fall in September 1320 (1941), a political opening emerged, and many political prisoners were released from prisons. Former members of the Communist Party and some members of the "Fifty-three" group who had been freed from prison decided to continue their activities. On 10th of Mehr 1320 (October 2, 1941), they gathered at the home of Suleiman Mirza Eskandari on Zhaleh Street (currently 17 Shahrivar) to lay the foundation for an inclusive and democratic party. Some of the attendees included: Iraj Eskandari, Mir Jafar Pishavari, Abdolhossein Nooshin, Dr. Reza Radmanesh, Ehsan Tabari, Abbas Eskandari, Abdolqadir Azad, and others [20].

About six months after the formation of the Tudeh Party of Iran, on 18th of Farvardin 1321 (April 7, 1942), the local branch of this party in Azerbaijan officially started its operations in Tabriz under the name "Azerbaijan State Committee of the Tudeh Party of Iran." The active core of this branch included Mirza Ali Birang, Aghazadeh Shahin (editor of the Shahin newspaper), Sadegh Padegan, Mir Rahim Valaei, Asadi, Eskandari, Jafar Kavyan, Ali Shabestari, and Kalantari. Shortly after, branches were established in other towns of Azerbaijan, and individuals who played important roles in the activities of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party joined, including Gholam Yahiya Daneshian in Serab, Mir Qasem Cheshm Azar in Urmia, and Shandermani in Mianeh [40]. At this time, Seyyed Jafar Pishavari, who initially held moderate positions and saw the federal system as a need of the day, was still in Tehran. Gradually, he distanced himself from his original stance.

At the first congress of the Tudeh Party, held in Mordad 1323 (July 1944), complaints regarding language were raised explicitly. Of the 168 delegates, 43 were from Azerbaijan and at least 34 others were from Northern Azerbaijan. Some of these delegates were either unable or uninterested in communicating in Persian, so the sessions had to be conducted bilingually. For the first time in Iran's history, a political organization had reached the lower layers of the middle class and discovered the stark reality that many Iranians could not speak the official language [20].

The Tudeh Party's provincial congress was held on 21st of Dey 1323 (January 11, 1945) in Tabriz, with nearly 130 delegates in attendance. During the congress, the Turkish-speaking representatives, while strongly supporting the Turkish language, expressed their wish for it to become the second official language of the province. However, the Central Committee and the first congress rejected Tabriz’s strong demands [40]. Although the congress approved the request for provincial assemblies, it remained silent on the language issue. Shabestari, the former editor of the Azerbaijan newspaper in both Turkish and Persian, was expelled for publishing articles deemed excessively nationalist. It was decided that the Khavarnow newspaper would be published in Persian as the regional organ of the Tudeh Party in Azerbaijan. Shabestari continued to publish the Azerbaijan newspaper [41].

In early 1324 (1945), the regional branch of the Tudeh Party in Azerbaijan organized large demonstrations calling for the establishment of provincial councils and the teaching of the Azerbaijani language in local schools [20]. Upon hearing about these unauthorized activities, the Central Committee sent a three-member commission to investigate the situation [20]. Khalil Maleki, a young member of the "Fifty-three" group and a prominent Persian-nationalist intellectual, chaired the commission. Born in Tabriz, raised in central Iran, and briefly educated in Germany, Maleki spoke Persian with a distinct Turkish accent and was an active advocate of Persianization and centralization. He later split from the Tudeh Party in 1326 (1947), and twenty years later, when he was tried for promoting socialism, he revealed for the first time his mission in Azerbaijan [42]. He disclosed that he was shocked to learn that many of the party activists could not speak Persian. His refusal to use the Azerbaijani Turkish language while speaking at public meetings had provoked them, and his blunt criticism of organizing demonstrations to demand education in the Turkish mother tongue had led to clashes with Mohammad Biryia, the local head of the United Central Council and a talented Azerbaijani poet. Maleki, determined to begin a major purge in Azerbaijan, returned to Tehran [20].

At the second Tudeh Party conference, held in Mordad 1324 (July 1945) in Tehran, Ahmad Hosseini, a guest delegate from Azerbaijan, refused to speak in Persian for the conference members. The conference chair had to use Ali Shamida as a translator [41].

Articles began to be written with titles such as "Iran is not just Tehran, and Tehran is not just the northern part of the city." Meanwhile, Tehran officials regarded Azerbaijani as a local dialect and did not consider Azerbaijanis a "nation."

Outside of Azerbaijan, the sky remained the same shade of blue. In the coal mines of Shamshak in Gilan, a clash between Persian-speaking and Turkish-speaking workers resulted in bloodshed. In Shamshak, during the winter of 1323 (1944), Persian-speaking miners forcefully expelled Azerbaijani workers, killing one and injuring twenty others. The survivors of the incident wrote to a newspaper in Tabriz, published in Azerbaijani Turkish, saying: "Do you know why they expelled us? Because we are Azerbaijanis. Do you know what they call us? They call us Turks. Are we Iranians or not? Do we have rights in Iran or not? Is the law impartial between different groups, or does it weigh against us?" [20].

In summary: The language policy of the Tudeh Party of Iran towards the non-Persian languages within Iran—specifically Azerbaijani Turkish—was not much different from the language policy of the Pahlavi government.

Democratic Party of Azerbaijan

In such circumstances in Azerbaijan, on 12th of Shahrivar, 1324 (September 3, 1945), the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan was founded under the leadership of Jafar Pishevari, with the support of 48 individuals who signed a declaration. The 12th of Shahrivar declaration was published in both Azerbaijani Turkish and Persian, consisting of a preamble and 12 articles. Article 3 stated: "In the schools of Azerbaijan, up to the third grade, teaching will be conducted exclusively in Azerbaijani. From that point onward, Persian, as the state language, will be taught alongside Azerbaijani. The formation of a National University (Darolfonun) in Azerbaijan is one of the primary goals of the Democratic Party." [20].

When did Pishevari raise the issue of language as a necessity for the Azerbaijani people?

In the years prior to 1320 (1941-1942), during the publication of the newspaper Haqiqat (from early 1300s to early 1301), Seyyed Jafar Pishevari mainly focused on labor and ideological issues. The issue of language—both generally and specifically for the Azerbaijani people—does not appear among the articles in the 106 issues of the newspaper, whether written by him or other contributors. He spoke of a federated Iran and acknowledged that different peoples had distinct feelings [43], but never mentioned language, even though one could argue that language is also an aspect of "feelings." When he participated in the Gilan Jangal Movement, his speeches were in Persian with a Turkish accent. Did he consider the important issue of language during his time in Qasr prison, where he spent ten years? We do not know. In the memoirs of himself and other prisoners, there is frequent mention of other ideological issues, but there is no reference to Turkish or Persian language. From 1320 to 1324, Azerbaijan newspaper—under the management of A. Shabestari—raised the issue of language, but no articles by Pishevari are found in those issues (from numbers 1-40, which are accessible at the time of writing this text) [44].

When Pishevari ran as a candidate in the 14th National Assembly elections, all his speeches were in Azerbaijani Turkish with minimal Persian, which the listeners appreciated. He noticed that petitions and requests from villagers were spoken in Turkish but written in imperfect Persian. He did not take this issue seriously. The language issue became significant for Pishevari when his credentials were rejected in the 14th National Assembly. He saw Persian speakers as his identity opponents. From that day, a new term appeared in his written work—in the publication Ajir (which he himself published): "Tehranis" [44].

Pishevari negotiated with Bagirov in July 1324 (1945) in Baku [8][9]; in the same summer of 1324, he returned to Tabriz and began efforts, along with members of the Azerbaijan Liberation Front, to establish the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan. He was now focused on raising the issues of identity and language, as well as determining the political position of Azerbaijan. In Ajir, Pishevari covered the news, problems, and issues of Azerbaijan but emphasized Iran's national public interests. An examination of the articles in Ajir until late Khordad 1324 (June 1945) does not show that Pishevari was particularly concerned with the Azerbaijani Turkish language. The publication of Ajir continued until 1st of Shahrivar 1324 (August 23, 1945), but the archive of the last two months has not been obtained at the time of writing this article, so the impact of this negotiation on the necessity of language cannot be studied yet [44].

When Pishevari lived in Azerbaijan during the Tsarist period and later in the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, he wrote his articles in Azerbaijani Turkish. When he returned to Iran, he wrote in Persian in the newspapers Haqiqat and Ajir. Before and during the National Government, he did not oppose or show hostility toward the Persian language. It is said that when in a poetry reading session, Abolhassan Iqbal Azar asked Pishevari for permission to read a Persian poem, Pishevari not only did not object but warmly accepted it [45].

Language during the Democratic Party Era and its Opponents

The teaching of Azerbaijani Turkish in the September 12th declaration triggered different reactions in both Azerbaijan and the center. Among these reactions was the anger and opposition of many intellectuals, particularly centralists, which is evident in their publications. In Baba Shaml, a satirical weekly, an article was written with the message: "Today, throughout Azerbaijan, there is a loud cry, and that is the Iranian identity of Azerbaijan, and nothing else" [46]. Around the same time, Reza Ganje’i, the editor of this weekly, had a debate with Dr. Fereydoun Keshavarz, a representative of Bandar Anzali/Pahlavi in the National Assembly and a child education expert, in the inspection room of the National Assembly about the program of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan. Reza Ganje’i, who had a strained relationship with the Democrats, said: "What the Democratic Party has written, that Azerbaijani children should learn in their native language up to the third grade and after that, Persian should be taught, is harmful to the country, and with this action, the Persian language will be eradicated from Azerbaijan." Dr. Keshavarz responded: "Your opinion is not correct. I am a pediatrician and know better than you that for a seven-year-old Azerbaijani child, learning Persian is very difficult. However, if this child learns the alphabet and some words in Azerbaijani in the first three years of school, they will easily learn Persian in the subsequent classes."

Ganje’i says: "You did not get ahead of the Azerbaijanis. I am Azerbaijani too, and when I was a child, I knew no Persian, but I learned it in school without any difficulty. Of course, in order for me to know the meaning of 'water', my teacher said 'water' means 'su', or 'bread' means 'chorek'. And to teach this way, there is no need for the child to learn Turkish until the third grade…"

Dr. Keshavarz says: "They also want to teach in this way in the classes. However, to do this kind of teaching, they wrote in their program that Azerbaijani should be taught until the third grade..." Ganje’i responds: "No, this is not the case! They have specific views..."

Dr. Keshavarz: "You are mistaken. They just want Azerbaijani children to have no difficulty learning Persian. You, yourself, who are proficient in Persian and are a journalist, still think in Turkish, and speak Persian. This is why Azerbaijanis who are far from Azerbaijan always find it easier to speak in their mother tongue."

Ganje’i: "Say whatever you want, but as someone who is Azerbaijani, I believe that teaching Azerbaijani until the third grade is not in the best interest of our country. Instead of making learning Persian easier, it will spread the Turkish language."

That day, Ganje’i and Dr. Keshavarz discussed this matter at length, with neither willing to change their opinion. Finally, with the mediation of Mohammad Parvin Gonabadi and Ismail Pourvali, a reporter for the Iran Ma newspaper, this heated debate came to an end [47]. During this time, the reporter asked Pishveri, "Would you not reconsider your position on the language issue? Do you not think that eradicating the Persian language in Azerbaijan is not in the best interest of our country?" Pishveri replied, "What are you saying! When have I ever wanted to eradicate the Persian language?" [47].

In September 1324 (1945), 22 daily newspapers and 14 weekly newspapers were being published in Tehran [48]. These newspapers, in response to the demands of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan regarding the Azerbaijani Turkish language, published various and contradictory articles (Figure 5), mostly in opposition to such demands. Examples include:

Malek al-Sho'ara Bahar, in an article about the events in Azerbaijan and the declaration of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan, wrote a detailed piece in the Nabard newspaper, which can be summarized as follows: [49] "Azerbaijan, while being devoted to itself, also shares an interest in Iran and other regions, and it should not take any actions that would harm the greater homeland. Iran is not just Tehran. The limitless centralization has ruined Iran and trampled the rights of the provinces. The central government has more interest in Azerbaijan than any other province. The only way to reform the country is by implementing the law of development and prosperity. The idea of a federation in Azerbaijan is not as simple as it seems. It is better to increase the number of representatives. The teaching of the Turkish language and then considering the nationality of Azerbaijan as Turkish by the Democratic Party [of Azerbaijan], I believe, is intended to draw public attention to the newly formed organization and stir the political youth and the young generation."

Figure 5. Pro and anti-Democratic Party newspapers, specifically regarding the teaching of the Turkish language. Photo from source [50].

Ahmad Kasravi, the theorist of Iranian nationalism, was expelled from his party and exiled from his native Azerbaijan when he criticized the street-level activities, especially the support for journalists advocating the use of the Turkish language. Having emphasized the importance of national unity for a decade, he now condemned the rebels for considering Azerbaijan a separate nation and for making demands that jeopardized Iran's survival. He believed that if such claims were made by other linguistic minorities—especially Armenians, Assyrians, Arabs, Gilani, and Mazandaranis—nothing would remain of Iran [52].

The Azerbaijan newspaper, in an editorial directed at Bahar—who later became the Minister of Education and saw the Persian language as a valuable tool for achieving national unity—wrote: "It is now time for the intellectuals in Tehran to realize that the people of Azerbaijan have their own national language" [53].

Mahmoud Afshar Yazdi, the editor of Ayandeh magazine, whose articles over the past 25 years on the national question were now fiercely attacked by the Azerbaijan newspaper, repeated his argument for the necessity of eradicating other languages [20]. He now stated: "The foundation of nationality is not just language, and the essence of Iranian nationality should be based on history, racial composition, and, above all, the sentiments of its people" [54].

In his debate with Afshar—who advocated for the expansion of the Persian language in other provinces—Pishveri attacked all the "chauvinists" who did not tolerate cultural minorities, emphasizing that "Azerbaijan will never compromise on the crucial issue of language. Although it is willing to compromise on political issues, because politics is not that vital" [56].

The Koushesh newspaper, affiliated with the National Will Party of Seyyed Ziya, insisted that Persian should be the sole language of instruction in public schools [57]. Abbas Iqbal, a prominent Persian writer, considered the Turkish language only a "mournful legacy" left by the "barbaric Mongol invaders" who passed through the northwest of Iran, plundering and ravaging the Middle East [58].

Pishveri, addressing those who thought like Abbas Iqbal, wrote: "We have learned our mother tongue with the milk of our mother and the refreshing air of our homeland. Those who insult our language... intellectuals in Tehran must understand that our language is not a transient dialect; it is a pure language with deep roots and a popular foundation... It is our duty to nurture it, modernize it, reveal its enchantments, and remove the dust of neglect from it. We will purify it, cleanse it, and return it to our people" [59].

Rahim Namvar, the editor of Shahbaz and a prominent intellectual of the Tudeh Party, published an editorial titled "Persian is the Best Means of Preserving Our National Unity" [60]. In contrast, Zafar, in a detailed article titled "Dependence on Language," emphasized that Azerbaijani Turkish had been the mother tongue of Azerbaijan for centuries [61].

One of the most detailed responses came from Ahmad Kasravi in his pamphlet What Will Be the Fate of Iran?. He wrote: "A very bad day has come for Iran, a very bad day. I cannot find a worse day in Iran's history from the past thousand years than today. I see the ominous event of the Mongol invasion as the closest comparison to the dark days we face, which will not be any less" [62]. He attributed the issue to the involvement of Russia and England, but mainly focused on domestic causes, harshly criticizing Seyyed Ziya Tabatabai, the Tudeh Party, and members of the National Assembly: "There is much to be said about Mr. Seyyed Ziya... Those who call Mr. Seyyed Ziya the 'agent of reaction' are not lying... Perhaps Mr. Seyyed Ziya and his followers might say: 'Our intention in supporting Islam is to prevent the spread and advancement of communism'... Communism or socialism were founded by benevolent men with the foundation of caring for workers, the poor, and the oppressed, and you should not oppose this foundation..." He criticizes the Tudeh Party: "When you speak with the leaders of the Tudeh Party, you find that in their view, the world consists of two types of work: one type of work done by the English to maintain their capitalist policy, and the other done by the Soviets to fight capitalism. Others have no say and no authority... You consider Reza Shah an instrument of British policy, while you consider Modarres one of the national heroes... On the one hand, you say the English support reaction, and on the other, you consider Reza Shah, whose actions were against reaction, an instrument of the British... These two errors have taken root in Iran: one is that Iranians cannot govern themselves, and the other is that all of Iran’s affairs are managed by the English. These have led to greater inclination towards the Soviet government in the country."

Kasravi also criticizes the minority and majority in the parliament: "From the parliament, actions emerged that had no meaning except malice. For instance, why was Pishveri's credentials not accepted?! What was the reason?! Does the majority have the right to accept or reject someone at their whim?! If they say Pishveri was a supporter of the Soviet Union, others were also supporters of the Soviet Union, so why was only he excluded?! If they say his election was unnatural, I have heard that Pishveri’s election from Tabriz was a natural one... Can this be called anything other than dictatorship?!"

In his unnamed pamphlet, written in the fall of 1324, Kasravi also addresses the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and raises serious questions. Had Kasravi not been assassinated in December 1324 and lived for another 3 or 6 months, witnessing the consequences of Azerbaijan's national government, he might have reconsidered his nationalistic integrationist stance—just as Pishveri himself had to face hard realities when his credentials were rejected. Perhaps, under such conditions, Kasravi would have abandoned his rigid nationalist views and would have come to see his article "Azeri, the Ancient Language" with critical eyes. In this pamphlet, he writes: "...In Iran, there are many things whose meanings are not clear, and independence is one of them... If we seek the truth, these separations are not harmful. People whose language, race, and history are different, if their lives are also separate, there is no harm in it. In fact, we can even benefit from these separations... Today, the best way is for each group in the country to be free in their own land and work diligently to improve their own country. When we talk about independence, this is what we mean. Independence means that each people lives for itself, not for others, and is free to manage its own affairs. People who lack independence will not be free in their own affairs and will not live for themselves... Iranians, whether they ally with Russia or England, will not be free to manage their own affairs..."

Kasravi continues: "Is it not clear that the uprising in Azerbaijan was in line with Soviet policy and took place with their approval? The reason for this, beyond everything, is the praise and endorsement from Moscow Radio and Soviet newspapers regarding the uprising. As we saw, they stopped the government forces and did not allow them to enter Azerbaijan" [62].

About a week after the famous September 3rd Declaration and the announcement of the formation of the Democratic Party, on September 16th, the Tudeh Party's Azerbaijan branch and labor organizations joined and merged with the Democratic Party. The first issue of the new series of Azerbaijan newspaper, as the organ of the Democratic Party, was published on September 14, 1945 [20]. In the September 3rd Declaration, there was no mention of the Tudeh Party—either from Iran or Azerbaijan—or the "Freedom Front."

In his memoirs, written after Azar 1325, Pishveri states: "In March 1944 [1322 - during the parliamentary candidacy period], I traveled to the cities of Tabriz, Khoy, Urmia, and Ardabil, organized large conferences, selected members of the 'Freedom Front,' and became acquainted with and friendly with the politicians of Azerbaijan. Therefore, when we started forming our party, the 'Freedom Front' organization was already in place. In each location, we were able to successfully establish the branches of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party through them" [63].

With the establishment of an already-formed organization, the Democratic Party spent the following four weeks consolidating its network, publishing its program, and recruiting new members, especially from among small merchants and local landowners [or petty bourgeois]. The party's policy aimed at reducing class differences in Azerbaijan and exacerbating ethnic conflicts and contradictions with Tehran [20]. In the editorials of Azerbaijan newspaper, emphasis was placed on the unity of all classes and sectors of Azerbaijan, urging the setting aside of existing contradictions and conflicts, especially between industrialists and workers, to secure the rights of Azerbaijanis and develop Azerbaijan [20]. On October 2, 1945, the first congress of the party was held. Representatives from all classes attended: Haji, Mullah, merchant, tribe leader, Kurd, intellectual, communist, and others. Most (perhaps even nearly all) of the sessions, official and unofficial writings, and discourses—according to the remaining accessible documents—were in Azerbaijani Turkish, which had never been seen before [44].

In the September 3rd Declaration and subsequent writings of the Democratic Party, the language of the Azerbaijani people was referred to as "Azerbaijanca" or Azerbaijani, and textbooks titled "Ana Dili" (Mother Language) and "Vatan Dili" (Homeland Language)—names that had been used and developed during the time of Mirza Hassan Roshdieh—were printed. Pishveri, from his youth when he wrote for the newspaper Açıq Söz (Open Speech) under the editorship of Muhammad Amin Rasulzadeh, considered himself a follower of the Molla Nasruddin school—managed by Jalil Mohammadqoli Zadeh—who referred to it as the Azerbaijani language. Additionally, these policies were aligned with the prevailing policies in Baku and Moscow, which aimed to foster a sense of solidarity with Northern Azerbaijan and ensure that the Soviet policies—specifically Stalin's policies for the union of Soviet nations—did not contradict those of other Turkic-speaking republics within the Soviet Union [44].

During the period of the Azerbaijan National Government, Turkish was implemented at all levels. Textbooks, birth certificates, official documents, currency, and state papers were all printed in Turkish. The status of the Turkish language during this period was of particular significance. In addition to these, the anthem sung by students at the beginning of each school day (as shown below), the establishment of Azerbaijan University in Tabriz, the formation of the national theater, the National Assembly, and the Philharmonic Orchestra, all took place in the mother tongue, which was notable after years of insult and humiliation. An example of the morning school anthem, written by Mohammad Beriya in Azerbaijani, is presented here [64]:

Original:

Ey bizi yokdan yaradan Tanrıımız,
Sen bize lutfunla inayet eyle.
Bizleri düzgün yola, düzgün işlere,
Kudreti zatınla hidayet eyle.
Ver bize muvaffakiyet ki tahsil edek,
Ilm ve edeble bize zinet eyle.
Hizmet edek biz anamız yurduna,
Sen de onu hıfz ve himaye eyle.
Pak fikir, aydın oruk, sağ beden,
Bize, şanla keramet eyle.

Translation:

O God, who created us from nothing,
Bless us with your grace and favor.
Guide us to the right path and righteous deeds,
Guide us with your inherent power.
Grant us success in our education,
Adorn us with knowledge and manners.
Let us serve our homeland,
Preserve and protect it, and support us.
Pure thoughts, a clear heart, and a healthy body,
Grant us dignity in your honor.

At this time, an Azerbaijani named Ibrahim Hakimi (Hakim al-Mulk) was the Prime Minister of Iran, and another famous Azerbaijani, Seyid Hassan Taqizadeh, was the Iranian Ambassador to the UK and head of Iran's delegation at the first session of the United Nations General Assembly. By Hakimi’s order, Taqizadeh filed a complaint on behalf of Iran to the United Nations Security Council. The issue of Azerbaijan was the first topic placed on the agenda of both the United Nations and the Security Council. In February 1946, Hakimi was dismissed from the position of Prime Minister and was replaced by Qavam al-Saltaneh.

Cultural Activities

About three weeks after the formation of the National Government, on 16th of Dey 1324 (January 6, 1946), Azerbaijani was declared the official language. The decree from the National Government stated:

"From today, Azerbaijani shall be the official language of the government in Azerbaijan. Government decisions, official announcements, as well as orders issued to the People's Army units and legal drafts must be written in Azerbaijani. All offices (governmental, national, commercial, and social) are required to register their matters in Azerbaijani. Documents and records that are not written in this language shall not be considered official. All proceedings in courts must be conducted in Azerbaijani, and interpreters must be appointed for those who do not know the language. The signs of all offices, institutions, and businesses in Azerbaijan must be written exclusively in Azerbaijani. Discussions and speeches in official meetings must be conducted in Azerbaijani. Those who are not Azerbaijani and speak other languages while working in government offices must learn to read, write, and speak Azerbaijani. The Ministry of Education must establish special classes for adult officials who speak other languages to familiarize them with Azerbaijani, and the working hours of those attending these classes will be reduced by one hour. Other nations residing in Azerbaijan have the right to conduct their affairs in their native language; however, in official announcements, they must also use the Azerbaijani official language. Although teaching in the schools of the smaller nations living in Azerbaijan is in their own language, teaching Azerbaijani is mandatory."

Thus, for the first time since the reign of Shah Ismail Khatai in Azerbaijan, official government decrees were issued in Azerbaijani Turkish.

The cultural work carried out by the Azerbaijan National Government to restore and revive Azerbaijani culture was remarkable. Among the most important actions of the National Government were the repair of dilapidated schools, the construction of new schools, and the preparation of textbooks. The establishment of Azerbaijan University, four vocational training schools, more than 3,800 literacy classes, over 2,000 primary and secondary schools, and kindergartens with over 1,000 orphaned children were also part of these efforts. To demonstrate the National Government's focus on education, it is enough to mention that the allocated budget for the last three months of the 1325 school year was greater than the total budget the Iranian government had spent on education. The establishment of the Kamal al-Din Behzad Art Museum and the formation of the Poets' Assembly are other examples of cultural initiatives.

A section of the Azerbaijan newspaper was dedicated to literary content, and gradually, new literary magazines began to be published. While in the 1320s (1940s), only the Azerbaijan and Anti-Fascist newspapers were printed in Turkish and Persian, during the National Government period, the number of Turkish-language publications rose to 50. These included magazines such as "Şairlər Məclisi" (The Poets' Assembly), "Günəş" (Sun), the organ of the Writers' Society, "Ədəbiyyat Səhifəsi" (Literature Page), "Şafaq" (Dawn), "Yeni Şərq" (New East), "Azərbaycan Ulduzları" (Stars of Azerbaijan), "Yeni Cavanlar" (Modern Youth), "Azad Millət" (Free Nation), and others in Tabriz, "Judat" in Ardabil, "Azar" in Zanjan, and "Urmiye" in Urmia.

Amidi Nouri, the editor of the newspaper "Dad" and a lawyer who was assigned by Qavam al-Saltaneh to inspect Azerbaijan, was astonished by one thing: "We saw groups of soldiers on the streets holding newspapers and reading them... In their free time, they gather around, discuss political issues and national affairs, and solve each other's problems. The illiterates complete their education through literate soldiers... The soldiers are being prepared through political teachings... to defend the rights of the nation." [66].

Another example of the work done in the Ministry of Education was the increase in teachers' salaries to encourage the eradication of illiteracy. The number of elementary schools in cities and villages, as well as high schools in cities, increased: in 1325 (1946), in the Tabriz area, there were 179 elementary schools and 59 high schools; in Zanjan, 29 elementary schools and 8 high schools; in Urmia, 127 elementary schools and 15 high schools. The number of male students was 39,958, and female students were 9,014, totaling 48,972. [67] This statistic shows that 18% of the students were female, which is noteworthy considering that the Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan, in the 1927-28 school year—just nine years after its independence—had reached a similar figure [68].

Azerbaijan University

One of the practical achievements of the National Government of Azerbaijan, alongside teaching in the native language in schools and publishing books and periodicals in Azerbaijani Turkish, was the establishment of a university. The decision to establish the National Dar al-Funun of Azerbaijan was first proposed during the sessions of the National Congress, but it was officially discussed in the Council of Ministers meeting on December 30, 1945, and the preparation for its establishment was assigned to the Ministry of Education [69][70]. Ten days later, on January 9, 1946, it was decided that Azerbaijan University would be established in Tabriz with three faculties: Agriculture, Medicine, and Pedagogy [69][70]. The National Dar al-Funun of Azerbaijan later became known as "Azerbaijan Universiteti" or "Azerbaijan University" (Figure 6).

Figure 6. Azerbaijan University / University of Azerbaijan.

For the university’s location, it was decided to initially use the building of the Boys' Preparatory Teachers' College. As Dr. Nasrullah Jahanshahlu, the first Vice President of the National Government and the first president of the university (who later became an opponent), wrote about the university's history: “Finally, with the approval of the Azerbaijan National Assembly, the need for a university in Tabriz was approved. Since we couldn’t find a suitable place for it, it was decided that we would build a new building. We temporarily moved the Teachers' College to another building and dedicated the old one to the university” [71].

In the search for a suitable land for the new university building, the old "Saheb Divan" garden was considered. During Reza Shah’s reign, a large prison resembling a fortress had been built there, and since the garden was located at the eastern entrance of Tabriz, it gave the city an unpleasant and terrifying appearance. When Pehlevi visited the site, he remarked, "I am not in favor of a prison, I am in favor of a school," and ordered the demolition of Reza Shah’s prison and the construction of Azerbaijan University in its place [72]. Pehlevi's statement referred to the famous quote by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his book Emile, which said, "Open a school, and the door of a prison will close."

In the inaugural speeches of the university, Pehlevi and Biryia (the Minister of Culture) stated that a budget of two million toman had been allocated for the university: one million toman for constructing the new university building and one million toman for administrative and educational expenses [70][72].

The Wahrheit newspaper, published in West Berlin, reported on October 17, 1945, regarding the start of the academic year at Azerbaijan University: "One-third of the annual budget of the Azerbaijan government has been allocated to this important endeavor, which is far more than the entire budget allocated to all of Azerbaijan during the Pahlavi era. Its funding came from taxes, public donations, and the support of cultural enthusiasts in Azerbaijan" [73][74]. The establishment of Azerbaijan University broke the monopoly of Tehran University in Iran. It proved the necessity and feasibility of establishing universities in other provinces and regions of the country.

Closing Remarks

On September 3, 1946, for the first and last time, the founding of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party was celebrated. This celebration was held simultaneously in two locations: in Tabriz, with Pishavari and in the presence of journalists from democratic and left-wing magazines and newspapers who had come from outside the autonomous Azerbaijan, and in Tehran, with the presence of Ali Shabestari, head of the delegation of representatives from Democratic Azerbaijan, alongside Qavam al-Saltaneh (the Prime Minister), Mozaffar Firouz (the Deputy Prime Minister), the cabinet members, members of the committees of the Democratic Party of Iran, the Tudeh Party, the Socialist Workers' Council of Iran, and some newspaper editors at the Park Hotel.

At the ceremony, Ali Shabestari, who spoke in Persian, thanked the attendees for accepting the invitation and participating in the celebration. He then stated: "With the events of September 1944 and the expansion of freedom in Iran, one can speak in their mother tongue." For this reason, he gave an explanation in Turkish about the reason for the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and its progress over the past year, leaving further details to be explained by Sadegh Padegan, the deputy of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party [44]. This may have been the first official speech in Azerbaijani Turkish in Tehran in Azerbaijan's history, where the central government, or as Pishavari put it, the "Tehranians," heard the words and progress of the Azerbaijani people in their mother tongue, but in the capital and heart of Iran.

Following Shabestari's speech, Sadegh Padegan delivered an impactful explanation regarding the reasons and philosophy behind the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party (summarized): "Although Azerbaijan had been at the forefront of the fight for freedom over the past four decades, the central government showed no interest in its development and reforms. During the twenty years of Reza Shah's dictatorship, there was minimal interest in reforming the region." He then provided several economic and cultural statistics that were later published in Tehran's newspapers: "In this one year, we have made significant reforms: half a million people in Azerbaijan now own land; five large buildings for a university, a bank, and similar institutions are under construction; we have freed 400,000 people from illiteracy and opened 500 schools in villages and towns; we have procured 50 kilometers of iron pipes for the water supply in Tabriz, which are to be connected; we have paved 300,000 square meters of asphalt. We are not separate from Iran, but rather Azerbaijan, through the uprisings of Sattar Khan, Bagher Khan, Khaiani, and finally the Azerbaijan Democratic Party, guarantees the survival and independence of Iran..." [44].

On December 10, 1946, Pishavari left Tabriz, and the National Government of Azerbaijan fell exactly one year after its declaration. The factors behind the collapse of the National Government of Azerbaijan were numerous, and this topic requires a separate discussion. Here, only a brief list of these factors is provided:

1. A lack of deep understanding among the people regarding the revolution and reforms initiated by Pishavari.
2. The lack of support, resistance, and sabotage by religious figures, especially the clergy, against a government they viewed as communist and anti-God.
3. The sidelining of the military forces formed by the Fedaiyan, who had received insufficient training and ultimately lost their influence in negotiations with the central government.
4. External factors, especially the onset of the Cold War between powerful countries after World War II.
5. Internal factors, such as the presence of a strong and skilled politician like Qavam, among others.
6. Overreliance on Soviet support.

Among this list—and particularly in terms of language—it should be noted that the Azerbaijan Democratic Party's strong emphasis on not using the Persian language was one of the problems. Undoubtedly, it was not possible to completely erase Persian from the people's minds and replace it with Turkish within a year. Pishavari made the same mistake regarding the Persian language that people like Abdullah Mostofi, the governor during Reza Shah’s era, made regarding the Turkish language. The issue of language cannot be dealt with through decrees. Language is a social and psychological issue, and any changes in it require time [75].

In addition to these factors, the tragic fate of Pishavari after he went to the north of the Aras River should not be overlooked, as it had a negative impact on the fate of the remaining members of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party on both sides of the Aras. The occupation of Azerbaijan by Soviet forces in 1941, accompanied by cultural programs—such as the group led by Aziz Aliyev—had a profound impact on the Azerbaijani identity movement, giving it a new form and spirit, which manifested itself in the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. However, with the dismantling of the National Government of Azerbaijan and the subsequent oppression under Mohammad Reza Shah’s policies, the identity-seeking movement in Azerbaijan entered a new phase.

The final words are by Dr. Gholamhossein Saedi, who reflects on the one-year experience of the National Government of Azerbaijan and how the people spoke, wrote, and learned in their own language:

"It was only between the years 1944 and 1945 that the primary school children of Azerbaijan realized that school was not such a terrifying place after all, and that it was possible to not only avoid suffering and fear from lessons but to enjoy them as well. This happened because suddenly the terrifying foreign language was expelled from the classrooms, and everyone read and wrote in the language they spoke. Before that, school was a daily, horrible torture, as if children were handed over to an island where the inhabitants had to speak the language of Gog and Magog. Not understanding these strange words not only brought punishment but also considerable humiliation, and speaking in their native language was accompanied by a painful whipping of the palms with wet rods.

It was right after the entry of the 'victorious army' that textbooks were once again returned to the Persian language. The agents of the central government in Azerbaijan, in addition to all the various weapons, used the dagger of the Persian language more than anything else, to the extent that writing and printing even a few words in the local language was considered a great crime. The typesetters in the printing presses were ordered to translate Azerbaijani words into Persian and arrange them in the text. And so, ordinary people, in order to read and understand newspapers and funeral announcements posted on the walls and doors of the city, had to rely on translators, especially in cinemas, where, without exaggeration, the chatter and murmur of unprofessional translators were louder than the sound of the film itself. It was only during the screening of silent films that a complete silence prevailed every day." [76].

Summary: When Europeans arrived in America, Native Americans had three options: 1) assimilate and become like Europeans, 2) be killed, or 3) relocate. The story of the Pahlavi regime’s language policy in Iran regarding Azerbaijani Turkish was similar. Reza Shah's policy of Persianization in Azerbaijan aimed to eliminate the Azerbaijani Turkish language, while Mohammad Reza Shah, with the imperial army, destroyed the National Government of Azerbaijan, and many people, in search of work and sustenance, migrated.

Sources, References, and Explanations:

1. Khāndaniyā, Ministry of the Interior, quoted by Kayhan, Issue 29, 11th of Esfand 1324, pages 11-12.

2. Shahrā Jalāl-Pour, Analysis of the Name Changes of Iranian Cities during the Pahlavi I Era and the Role of the Academy of Iran, Doctoral Dissertation, Islamic Azad University. Link.

3. For more information, see: Changing the Names of the Islands in Lake Urmia; Continuing Racist Actions Against the Culture and Identity of Azerbaijan, Özəlök Journal. Tabriz, Second Year, Issue 10, Farvardin 1384.

4. Mohammad Mahmoudpour, The Objectives of the Pahlavis in Changing the Names of Iranian Cities, Institute for Political Studies and Research. Link.

5. Mahdi Qoli-Khan Mokhber-ol-Saltaneh, Memoirs and Dangers (A Glimpse into the History of Six Monarchs and a Segment of My Life), pages 410-411.

6. Ali Moradi Marāghei, Denial and Resistance, Andisheh-ye No, pages 19-18.

7. S. Nik-Bekhātar, Master's Thesis, The Impact of Media and Formal Education on the Azerbaijani Turkish Local Language during the Reza Shah Era (Northwestern Iran Region), Tabriz, Tabriz University, 1391.

8. Jamil Hassanli, South Azerbaijan: Moscow, Baku, and Tehran: 1940-1945, F. 3. In Azerbaijani Turkish.
   
   C. Həsənli, Güney Azərbaycan: Tehran, Bakı, Moskva arasında (1939-1945), Baki: Diplomat, 1998.

9. Fernande Beatrice Scheid, Stalin, Bagirov, and Soviet Policies in Iran, 1939-1946, Yale University, PhD Thesis, 2000, pp 72-72.

10. State Archive of Political Parties and Social Movements of the Republic of Azerbaijan (GAPPOD AzR), F. I, Op. 89, D. 18, p. 1-34.

11. Khāndaniyā, Iranian Figures, by Mardomschenās, Issue 42, 20th of Khordad 1323, page 10.

12. John Gunther, How Americans Judge Reza Shah, Reader's Digest, 1939, translated by Abbas Mozafarian, Payghām Shiraz, republished in Khāndaniyā, Issue 49, 6th of Mordad 1324.

13. Ali Moradi Marāghei, Denial and Resistance, page 33.

14. Abbas Iqbal, In Memory of Allameh Qazvini, Monthly Information, Tir 1328.

15. Mohammad Nour-al-Din, The Wandering Republic of Turkey, 1380, translated by Seyed Hossein Mousavi, pages 98-100.

16. Mohammad Reza Nikfar, Kasravi and the Secular Identity Issue, BBC Persian, London, 1390, Link. Also, see M.R. Nikfar's lecture at UC Berkeley on YouTube.

17. Ahmad Kasravi, My Life, pages 103-143, especially page 130.

18. Ahmad Amir Farhangi, Introduction to Evan Zogal’s English translation of Kasravi’s article in Al-‘Irfān Magazine, Beirut, page 17.

19. The Weimar Republic refers to the German government system between 1919 and 1933, or 1288-1312 in the Iranian calendar. The term "Weimar Republic" is used by historians to describe the period from the end of World War I (1918) to the rise of Nazi rule in Germany (1933).

20. Ervand Abrahamian, The Democratic Party of Azerbaijan and the Tudeh Party, translated by Younes Lithi, Radio Zamaneh website. Link.

21. Zareh Shahmorsi, History of the Turkish Language in Azerbaijan, pages 89-90.

22. Jamī, Past as a Lamp for the Future, 1363, pages 268-270.

23. Azerbaijan, article Azerbaijan by Hossein Lotfi, Issue 6, 28th of Aban 1320.

24. Tejarod-e Iran, editorial by Khosrow Arasteh, Issue 3263, 7th of Aban 1320.

25. Setāreh, Response to Mostofi written by Ali Shaqāqi, Issue 1211, 3rd of Azar 1320.

26. Setāreh, My Behavior as the Governor of the Third Province, Issue 1203, 25th of Aban 1320.

27. Setāreh, Azerbaijan is a Grateful Nation, Sultan-zadeh Tabrizi, Issue 1223, 15th of Azar 1320.

28. Khāndaniyā, Message to Pīshāvārī, written by Nooshād Kayhān, Issue 863, 26th of Dey 1324.

29. Azerbaijan Newspaper, 3rd of Esfand 1320, Issue 31.

30. Dāryā, To You, My Beloved Azerbaijan, Shahriyar, Issue 83, 25th of Shahrivar 1324.

31. Khāndaniyā, This is the Same Tabriz, S. 6, Issue 5, 31st of Shahrivar 1324.

32. Ahmad Kasravi, What Will Be the Fate of Iran?, Mehr and Navid Publications, 1988, pages 70-71. This book was distributed as a pamphlet without a name, and it is most likely written by Ahmad Kasravi. Additionally, he refers to his other book What Can the United Nations Achieve? (written by An Iranian), and his other book What is the Solution Today? which was published under his own name.

33. Rostamovā 1993:7; Majidi 2003:31; Rostamovā, S. 1993. Azerbaijan Press Phenomenon/Press of the Azerbaijan Era, Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan, Baku.

34. Moradi Marāghei, Denial and Resistance, page 66.

35. Language Policy and Structure of the National Government of Azerbaijan. Link.

36. Time Magazine, 18th of March 1946, V47, No 11.

37. Moradi Marāghei, Denial and Resistance, page 51.

38. Parviz Zareh Shahmorsi, History of the Turkish Language in Azerbaijan, page 96.

39. Michel Mallard, Important Languages of the World, translated by Effat Melanazar, Scientific and Cultural Publications Company, Tehran, page 531.

40. Touraj Atabaki, Azerbaijan in Contemporary Iran, The Reemergence of the Azerbaijani Autonomy Movement, translated by Mohammad Karim Eshraq, Tavs, Tehran, 1376, pages 102-103.

41. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, translated by Ahmad Golmohammadi and Fattahi, Nashr-e Ni, page 488.

42. Socialist Party of the Tudeh Party of Iran, Text of Khalil Maleki's Defense in Court, Volume 2 (Mehr 1345), pages 36-56.

43. Rahim Raisnia, The Last Fortress of Freedom, See article No. 9 of Haqīqat Newspaper signed by A. Parviz titled Central Government and Local Authorities.

44. Younes Lithi Derylo, A Look at Pīshāvārī, Book in Progress, Toronto, 2022.

45. Interview with Sānā, with Elnaz and Sevil on ANT TV, Facebook, Women's Rights. The poet's name was mistakenly stated as Saba but was corrected in subsequent correspondence.

46. Bābāshaml, Babāshaml's Heartfelt Words, Issue 119, 15th of Shahrivar 1324.

47. Khāndaniyā, Azerbaijan and the Turkish Language, quoted from Iran Mā, written by Esma'il [Purvāli], Issue 32, 10th of Farvardin 1325, page 18.

48. Anonymous, Khāndaniyā, Iran 1945, quoted from Iran Mā, 17th of Shahrivar 1324, page 7.

49. Khāndaniyā, 7th of Mehr 1324, To Azerbaijan, written by Malek-ul-Sho'ara Bahār, in Nabard Newspaper.

50. Mullā Nasruddin, S. 1910, Issue 34.

51. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, translated by Golmohammadi and Fattahi, Nashr-e Ni, page 269.

52. Ahmad Kasravi, Parcham, Regarding Azerbaijan, Aban 1324.

53. Azerbaijan, Mr. Bahār, 30th of Mehr 1324.

54. M. Afshār, A Response, Dāryā, 6th of Aban 1324.

55. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, translated by Golmohammadi and Fattahi, Nashr-e Ni, page 502.

56. J. Pīshāvārī, Azerbaijan, A Talk with Persian Intellectuals, 14th of Shahrivar 1325.

57. Koushesh, Azerbaijan Means Iran, Iran Means Azerbaijan, 4th of Mehr 1324.

58. A. Iqbal, The Turkish Language in Azerbaijan, Information, 21st-29th of Aban 1324.

59. J. Pīshāvārī, Azerbaijan, Our Language, 14th of Shahrivar 1324.

60. Shahbaz, January 30, 1946.

61. Karamatollah, Zafar, December 23, 1945.

62. Ahmad Kasravi (written by an Iranian), What Will Become of Iran?, Mehr and Navid Publications, 1988, multiple pages. For details, refer to source 32.

63. Yadollah Kiani, The Memoirs of Seyed Ja'far Pishevari in 1946-1947, in Azerbaijani Turkish, Baku, digital version.

64. Hassan Rashidi and Akbar Azad, My Memoirs and My Father Dr. Javad Heyat, pp. 140-141. Also refer to Azerbaijan, Vol. 1333, Issue 696.

65. Anonymous, "On the Language of Azerbaijan National Government’s Resolutions," Azerbaijan, Issue 96, January 19, 1946.

66. E. Amidi Nouri, Democratic Azerbaijan, Dad, July 3, 1946, Parts 29 and 30.

67. A. Mianali, Peymodeh Ba Tofang (Walked with a Gun), Vancouver, p. 150.

68. Y. Abdullayeva, Crafting the Modern Woman in Azerbaijan: Muslim Women, the State, and Modernity, 1900–1939, Waterloo, ON: University of Waterloo, 2020.

69. Behzad Behzadi, A Look at the Events of 1945-1946, pp. 6 and 9.

70. Anonymous, Azerbaijan, "Respected Education Minister Mr. B. Riayinin’s Clarifications Regarding the Dar ul-Funun Organization," Issue 225, June 14, 1946.

71. Nosratollah Jahanshahloo, Our History and Foreigners, Vol. 1, pp. 326-329.

72. Azerbaijan, "Opening of Dar ul-Funun, the Seat of Civilization," written by Reza Azari, Issue 225, June 14, 1946.

73. 74. Vahrayit, October 25, 1947, quoted from 21 Azar. Yer Print, 2005 - J. L. Vancouver, Our National Government's Policies in the Field of Education and "Land Acquired by Force," Alireza Mianali. Link

75. Parviz Zarei Shahmersi, The History of the Turkish Language in Azerbaijan.

76. Zia Sadeghi, Oral History Project of Iran, Harvard, interview with Gholamhossein Saedi, Vol. 11, p. 434, Tape No. 1

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The link to the original article in Farsi on Radio Zamaneh:
زبان ترکی آذربایجانی از رضاشاه تاپیشه‌وری (۱۳۰۰ تا ۱۳۲۵)