Alirza Quluncu - Rooz - September 22, 2010
 |
| Alireza Sarrafi |
Education in the Mother Tongue: An Interview with Alireza Sarrafi
Once again, the new school year will begin on the first of Mehr (September 23) without the presence of children's mother tongues in classrooms for Azerbaijani, Arab, Kurdish, Baluchi, Turkmen, Gilaki, Lori, and other ethnic groups. In recent years, education in the mother tongue has been one of the main demands of residents in Iran's non-Persian regions. According to human rights advocacy groups, individuals working toward this goal are often labeled and accused of espionage or separatism.
To discuss the negative effects of lacking the right to mother-tongue education, as well as the efforts and struggles aimed at ending this deprivation, we conducted an interview with Alireza Sarrafi, a writer and journalist. Sarrafi is the publisher and chief editor of the bilingual (Persian and Turkish) magazine Dilmaj, which was shut down, a member of the editorial board of the bilingual magazine Varligh, a researcher on educational issues, a lecturer on Azerbaijani folklore and literature at Tehran universities, an organizer of mother-tongue language seminars in Tabriz, and one of the founders of the National Peace Council.
This interview was conducted via email.
What impact does the lack of the right to education in one's mother tongue have on students' academic decline? Does this academic decline also affect literacy rates, or is it merely a theoretical issue?
Yes, the deprivation of this natural right has an undeniable impact on children's academic decline. This is both an established and fundamental principle in educational science, and its statistical manifestations can be well observed in our society. (1) In brief, despite Azerbaijan having modernized schools for the past 10-15 years prior to the Constitutional Revolution, illiteracy has not only not been eradicated after 120 years, but due to continuous academic decline, the region has gradually fallen from the top in literacy rankings, and now Azerbaijan ranks among the ten least literate provinces in the country. In addition to the Azerbaijani provinces, other provinces like Kurdistan, Baluchistan, and Lorestan, where most of the population is not Persian-speaking, also fall into this category of low literacy. In contrast, a province like Semnan, which established modern schools around 40 years after Azerbaijan, ranks second in literacy after Tehran. Interestingly, among the ten provinces with the highest literacy rates, all ten, without exception, are provinces where the majority of children receive education in their mother tongue (Persian).
May I give another example from our neighbors? In Turkey, illiteracy has been eradicated in most provinces where the majority of residents are educated in their mother tongue (i.e., Turkish). However, in southeastern provinces with a Kurdish or Arabic-speaking majority, a certain percentage of the population remains illiterate, and the average education level of the literate population in these provinces is significantly lower than the average level in other Turkish-speaking regions of Turkey. Conversely, in our northern neighboring countries like Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan, although the populations of these countries were considered very small minorities within the former Soviet Union, illiteracy has been completely eradicated since around the 1960s due to the correct approach to education in the mother tongue.
So, can we say that this issue is not unique to Iran and exists in other countries as well?
Yes, although it is much more severe in Iran. In 2009, a research report was prepared and published by the Minority Rights Group International in London in collaboration with UNICEF, containing interesting information. According to this report, there are currently one hundred million illiterate people worldwide, the majority of whom are indigenous people (meaning the indigenous people of settler countries like the Americas and Australia) and minorities. (2)
Currently, five and a half billion of the world's six and a half billion population are educated in their mother tongue, meaning 83% of the world population is educated in their own language, while only one billion people, or 17%, who consist of hundreds of linguistic groups and are generally small minorities in their respective countries, are deprived of the ability to study in their mother tongue. Thus, as you can see, the issue is nearly resolved in most parts of the world, affecting only 17% of people, while in Iran, this issue affects two-thirds (67%) of the population, including Turks, Kurds, Lors, Arabs, Baluch, Turkmen, and others. According to analyses based on this report and other available statistics, out of every thousand students whose educational language is the same as their mother tongue, only four do not attend school, while this figure is thirty-seven for students who are forced to study in a non-native language. In other words, under equal conditions, out of every ten students who do not attend school, nine belong to groups that are forced to receive education in a non-native language. If we apply this global ratio to Iran, assuming that non-Persians make up about two-thirds of the country's population, we can conclude that in this country, out of every hundred students who do not attend school, ninety-five are forced to study in a non-native language.
It seems that literacy statistics across the country do not differ significantly, as on average (with a ten percent tolerance), around eighty-five percent of the population is literate.
According to the definition by Iran's Organization of Statistics and Informatics, a literate person is someone who has completed the first grade of elementary school. (3) So, when we say that a region like Baluchistan has a literacy rate of seventy-five percent, it means that seventy-five percent of Baluchis have completed the first grade of elementary school, and nothing more. But the level of literacy is another matter. There are indicators that show a significant gap between Persian-speaking regions and other regions in Iran.
If twenty-five percent of the population in a region has not even completed one grade, it is natural that the rest of the population will not have a very high level of education either. In these regions, many complete their education at the elementary or middle school level and enter the labor market at a young age. For higher education, we have statistics that confirm this judgment. Below is a summary of our analysis in the following table:
| Percentage of Accepted Students in 1997-1998 Academic Year in Higher Education |
| - | Regions with a Majority Persian-Speaking Population | Regions with a Majority Non-Persian-Speaking Population |
|---|---|---|
| Associate Degree | 58% | 42% |
| Bachelor’s Degree | 64% | 36% |
| Master’s Degree | 88% | 12% |
| PhD | 90% | 10% |
As you can see, the higher the level of education, the less chance non-Persian nationals have, so that at the PhD level, only ten percent of those accepted come from non-Persian regions. As you can see, the proportion of those accepted in higher education among non-Persian nationals is not proportional to their population weight.
Are the negative effects of the lack of the right to education in one’s mother tongue limited to academic setbacks, or do they extend to other social and economic aspects of their lives?
Certainly, a person who ends their education at lower levels typically enters the job market earlier than others and usually engages in manual, low-paying jobs. By contrast, those who attain higher levels of education, such as a Ph.D., generally find employment in higher-income positions. Thus, following the language deprivation in schools, an economic disadvantage also begins outside of school, giving this national issue a class dimension. In this country, the geography of semi-affluent and poorer regions closely aligns with the geography of literate and less literate regions, and both of these overlap significantly with the geography of Persian and non-Persian speaking areas.
Does education in one's mother tongue matter only in the early years of schooling, or is it also important afterward?
All experts in education believe that literacy instruction should be conducted in a person’s mother tongue for the first five years, as it is crucial for easy learning, forming an emotional connection with the teacher and the school environment, and quickly integrating new knowledge with the child’s prior mental associations. Afterward, students can also learn other languages.
What rights does the Constitution grant to non-Persian languages? Does the right to education in the mother tongue only mean learning that language, or does it involve learning subjects like physics, chemistry, and math in the mother tongue?
Article 15 of the Constitution allows the teaching of the languages and literature of different nationalities alongside Persian. However, this article has significant issues: first, this is not a matter of choice or discretion; it is an obligation and an essential right. Second, while teaching the mother tongue and literature is necessary, it is insufficient. To fully address illiteracy and low literacy rates in the country, the educational system must be reformed so that instruction is primarily in the student’s mother tongue. This is something on which educational scientists agree. In this interpretation, all subjects (including Persian) should be taught in the students’ mother tongue.
What is the historical precedent for teaching non-Persian languages in recent history? Given that the founder of modern schools in Iran, Mirza Hassan Roshdieh, was from Azerbaijan, has Turkish ever been taught in Azerbaijani schools at any point in history?
Regarding other nationalities, I don't have extensive information, but I know, for example, that Arabs have the most extended history in this matter compared to other ethnic groups in Iran. In Azerbaijan, from the inception of modern education, founded by Mirza Hassan Roshdieh, until the beginning of Reza Shah’s rule, the “Vatan Dili” book by Mirza Hassan Roshdieh and the “Ana Dili” book by Mirza Abdolrahim were taught in Azerbaijani schools, and all teacher-student interactions were conducted in Turkish. During the forty years from the start of modern education in Azerbaijan, not only was this language taught, but all other subjects—including even Arabic and Persian—were also taught in Turkish. That is, in class, the teacher would explain the meanings of Arabic and Persian words and sentences in Turkish to the students, and the students would ask questions in Turkish regarding these languages' grammar. In those years, Azerbaijani students could read and write in their language easily. During the Constitutional Revolution, a letter written by Tabriz students to the provincial council was read aloud by their representatives in the council session in smooth Turkish, indicating the highly acceptable literacy level of Azerbaijani students in their mother tongue a century ago.
What actions have Azerbaijani and, more broadly, non-Persian intellectuals taken to raise awareness about the prohibition on mother-tongue education?
Non-Persian intellectuals have a deeply rooted history of defending the right to education in their mother tongue. While there's no space here to recount the history of this struggle over the past century, besides the Turks, Turkmen, Kurds, Arabs, and Baluchis who have led prominent struggles in this area, we should also appreciate the noteworthy efforts of Lurs and Gilaks in preserving and documenting their language and literature, something unfortunately overlooked by many. Below are a few examples of civil actions taken by Turks after the revolution (focused on advocating for mother-tongue rights):
- Formation of the Azerbaijan Congress in March 1979
- Organizing speeches, poetry, and music sessions from late 1979 until early 1981
- Holding dozens of speech, poetry, and music events from 1991 onward
- Publishing thousands of books on literature, language, folklore, etc., since 1979
- Publishing numerous journals, monthlies, and newspapers from 1979 to date
- Publishing over 120 student journals since 1998
- Holding speeches and conferences, with the most notable being the first Mother Tongue Congress in Tabriz on February 21, 2004, which issued a famous resolution with 3,333 signatures
- Issuing numerous public statements and open letters signed by thousands of intellectuals, scholars, and artists
- Organizing off-site programs with speeches and artistic performances, culminating in the annual Babak Castle event on July 1 with hundreds of thousands attending in the late 1990s and early 2000s, where language rights were one of the primary (and sometimes sole) demands
- Hosting gatherings and celebrations for International Mother Language Day since 2004
- Student strikes and sit-ins defending national identity and mother tongue rights, beginning with the May 9, 1995, protests at Tabriz University and peaking with widespread strikes and protests by Turkish students at universities across Iran in late May 2006
- Forming and activating dozens of NGOs focusing on language, literature, and culture
- Social and advocacy activities taking advantage of election periods for the parliament and presidency, starting with the fifth parliament elections in 1995
- Establishing dozens of websites, blogs, and some electronic media channels
In all these activities, language rights have been a major (if not the sole) focal point of the demands raised.
Do you think these activities have been effective?
Yes, absolutely. These activities have been crucial in raising awareness and fostering a sense of national identity among the general populace. While none of these activities appear to have had a direct impact on governmental policies, their role in creating a legitimate platform for raising civil demands and enhancing political consciousness in society should not be overlooked. Elite activism spreads through different social strata using these very platforms. When the Azerbaijan Congress gathered with nearly 2,000 participants in 1979, some attendees were so unaware of their natural rights that they even opposed us in a way.
These were the people who made the effort to attend the Congress; many ordinary people were so accustomed to the linguistic restrictions imposed on them over generations that they accepted them as the norm without protest. They would even reproach us, asking why we were disturbing the unity of Muslim people. Back then, we struggled to find a single like-minded individual. But today, we see a powerful wave moving among the general public. So how has this awareness reached them? Certainly, through these same platforms mentioned above.
The slogan “Schools in the Turkish Language” is one of the most famous heard from Azerbaijanis during various gatherings, and recently it has become widespread among soccer fans. What is the history of street protests and the demand for mother tongue rights in the Azerbaijani movement?
This demand has been raised for over sixty years, but in the last two decades, it has become one of the main themes of Azerbaijani discourse. It is worth noting that this demand was voiced in many areas of civil activism, such as in the massive Babak Castle ceremonies, before appearing in soccer games.
The history of street protests dates back several years. Since 2003, Tabriz has become a site for consecutive street gatherings. This new space was opened by the perseverance of cultural and political activists and the symbolic presence at the tomb of Sattar Khan, the National Commander. Although there were significant protests during Shariatmadari's movement in the late 1970s and during the student demonstrations in 1995, the former was severely repressed, and the latter, limited to students, could not establish a sustainable foundation for future street protests. However, the anniversary of the Constitutional Revolution on August 5, 2003, became a repeatable model for historical events (of which Azerbaijan fortunately has an abundance), gradually establishing itself as a platform for young people. Over time, in addition to national and historical events, global occasions, such as International Mother Language Day and International Women’s Day, were added to these gatherings. Thus, from 2003 onwards, almost quarterly, Tabriz was the scene of various street ceremonies, often accompanied by police intervention—a phenomenon perhaps unparalleled in any other Iranian city.
The scope and frequency of these gatherings grew dramatically from the winter of 2005, including, for instance, a demonstration by elementary school children and their mothers on International Mother Language Day. They held kites, chanted slogans in support of mother tongue rights, and ultimately read a declaration demanding the right to be educated in their mother tongue.
From May 2006, these demonstrations extended into soccer stadiums. During a match at Baghshomal Stadium, spectators chanted slogans in support of mother tongue rights and carried their momentum to the city center in a demonstration.
These experiences have gradually shaped a well-established protest culture among the youth over several years, which culminated in a million-strong protest on June 1, 2006. One of the central demands of that protest was official recognition of the mother tongue. Although other slogans were raised during that protest, activists agreed that formalizing the mother tongue would be one of our key demands and a consistent slogan. Today, these slogans are repeated almost weekly in sports arenas.
The banned publication Dilmaj, of which you were the license holder and chief editor, had published special issues on the topic of the mother tongue. What reasons did the authorities provide for banning this magazine? Did the mother tongue issues play a role in its suspension?
Our publication generally addressed all issues related to Azerbaijan, particularly the mother tongue issue, and published articles on these topics. The articles we published were all of a scientific level and sometimes academic, with no inflammatory tone whatsoever. We were also the only publication that raised the overlapping issues of language and women's issues in non-Persian-speaking areas. Additionally, we published three special issues on women's issues, two on folklore and oral literature, two on the press in Azerbaijan, and one each on contemporary literature, Azerbaijan's economic issues, federalism, and mythological thinking. All contained very beneficial, educational, and, in some cases, original content. In 2004 and 2005, in full compliance with civil standards, we held events for International Mother Language Day at our office. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to say that Dilmaj had practically become one of the main hubs for discussing Azerbaijani linguistic and national rights, all while staying within the current laws and social norms. We had no public or private complainants; in fact, the authorities had no legal or legitimate excuse to shut it down. However, at one point, they cut off our paper quota to hurt us, which forced many publications to cease operations. Yet, I continued publishing by investing all my personal savings.
Ultimately, Dilmaj was shut down unilaterally by the Press Supervisory Board without prior warning or explanation, and without giving us a chance to defend ourselves. Certainly, one of the primary reasons for Dilmaj’s shutdown was its emphasis on specific issues related to Turks (and non-Persians in general), with linguistic rights being the most prominent.
Notes:
For this topic, you may refer to statistical analyses prepared and published over the past decade in Mobin, Armaghan Azerbaijan, Shams Tabriz, and Dilmaj by this author.
See the article The Absence of the Mother Tongue in Millions of Classrooms at:
Refer to various publications of the Statistics Organization on literacy.
Refer to the 2006 National Statistical Yearbook.
See the article The Lack of Mother Tongue Education and Its Consequences at:
Refer to issue 13 of the Dilmaj monthly, October 2004.
Refer to The Provincial Assembly of Azerbaijan newspaper.
For this topic, refer to Student Memories of the 1970s, written by this author in Gunesh, issue one, October 2007.
One of the primary initiators of the children’s demonstration on February 21, 2005, was the late Gholamreza Amani.
Link to the original article in Farsi: https://rooz.hilnu.com/persian/news/newsitem/article/-28ffd9e08d/