Saeed Matinpour – Thursday, November 9, 2006
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| Saeed Matinpour |
Over the course of about sixteen years of continuous activity, the Turkish identity and national movement in Iran reached its peak in 2006, one of the most confrontational years with the ruling regime. This period saw mass arrests, torture, and killings of protesters following the publication of an insulting cartoon in the state-run Iran newspaper in May, a second wave of arrests based on security camera footage from demonstrations, and a third wave of arrests before the Babek Castle ceremony in July. A fourth wave of attacks on activists occurred before the start of the school year in September, aimed at preventing Azerbaijani civil national movement activists from organizing a boycott of classes in protest against the ongoing linguistic apartheid they continued to face.
Despite these events, some individuals who were arrested as far back as May and July have still not been granted any leave from prison. Some have been subjected to disproportionate and unsubstantiated charges in court. More importantly, no fact-finding team has yet been formed to investigate the events of May, and those responsible for the deaths in cities such as Naqdeh, Meshginshahr, Urmia, and possibly Tabriz have yet to be identified or prosecuted. Alongside this tragedy and injustice, pressure on Azerbaijan has been intensifying in recent weeks. Aside from the unclear situation of some prisoners from Tabriz and Marand and the disproportionate sentences of Abbas Lesani and Reza Abbasi, almost all normal activities of student groups and organizations have been shut down. Any center, shop, or group involved in national advocacy in any city or village is subject to closure. Even more disturbing is that activists are still arrested, detained, interrogated, and tried based on vague accusations, following the same illegal methods without adhering to the civil laws and judicial procedures outlined by the legislators of the Islamic Republic.
Protests against these illegal actions have continued, both from activists within Iran and abroad. Their recent activities have attracted the attention of some international human rights organizations, resulting in public statements. However, unfortunately, Persian-language media still continue to employ a "policy of silence," aligning with the ruling regime, regarding Azerbaijan. They generally prefer to boycott news about the Azerbaijani civil movement and its related events. After the publication of the names and number of martyrs from Azerbaijan in May and the widespread protests that followed, both domestic and international media, despite holding more negative views towards the current regime, were forced to break their years-long silence. The fact that at least the taboo surrounding discussions of Azerbaijan and Turks in Iran as integral parts of the Iranian identity was being broken was very encouraging and positive. Even the protest against the demonstrations and the uncivilized treatment of the Turkish identity movement was valuable. This is because the main issue in the debate over Iran's ethnic and national diversity is not the issue itself, but the lack of an official discussion of the matter. As long as the issue remains undiscussed, the potential for dialogue will not develop within it.
During my student years, I dedicated a long time to engaging in dialogue with Persian speakers, explaining the issue of Turks and Azerbaijan as a domestic cultural and social matter. I did not do this primarily because I needed their support (as we had a great deal of our own), but because I was trying to convey a new feeling and thought that had emerged among Turks, Arabs, Kurds, and possibly Baluchis. I believed, and still do, that the separation of these national and ethnic ideas within Iran, and the failure to recognize them, would lead to disastrous consequences. I did not approach this with a political motivation, but rather an ethical one. Iran, I believe, can be divided into as many parts as its inhabitants, the various ethnic groups that own its regions, desire, or it could continue in its unity, even annexing other parts. This matter is not my concern. What is important, and seems to be the red line in any kind of human relationship, is the guarantee of equal rights for all parties involved. This, in practice, is first dependent on the acknowledgment of this principle and, second, on mutual recognition and understanding between the parties. What must be considered in any political situation is the preservation of human dignity, which is only achieved through the freedom of individuals from the constraints of ideology and the immunity from the harmful actions of others.
Today, Persian-language media, which generally represent political factions and groups, are still unable to engage in meaningful dialogue with the Turkish social movement due to their inability to overcome the outdated taboo surrounding issues of language, religion, and politics. These media, which widely cover the disciplinary actions of university committees, easily ignore the illegal arrests and torture of Turks, and despite having reliable news sources, they fail to report on the conditions in prisons, torture, the prohibition of cultural and social activities, and trials in the cities, villages, and universities of Azerbaijan and other Turkish regions.
The Turkish movement will continue its destined path toward national liberation. We openly declare our collective national will and the oppression of the government. What remains is the distance that forms between the two neighbouring nations. This distance will not be bridged by the people but rather by intellectuals and elites who must build bridges in the appropriate places for a new kind of communication. Unfortunately, the intellectuals in the Persian center, particularly those who think politically and especially those who have been away from Iran for years, either by choice or force, have not even laid the first brick for dialogue. This calamity will affect us all. Let us speak to each other, without any sacred commands. What is sacred is you and me.
Original Text in Farsi.