Younes Leysi-Derilou (Younes.Leysi@gmail.com) - December 12, 2024
In this article, Younes Leysi Darilou examines and publishes a letter from the head of the Social Affairs Committee of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan (DPA), signed by M. Ravandi in November 1945. The letter, written in both Persian and Azerbaijani Turkish, was addressed to the American Consul in Tabriz. It discusses issues such as oppression of rural villagers and the demands of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan to have their voices heard in international media. This declassified letter is analyzed in the article along with its relevant historical and political background.
Several Points Regarding This Letter May Need to Be Addressed:
The Azerbaijan Democratic Party (A.D.P.) was established on 12th Shahrivar 1324 (September 3, 1945). The date of the letter published in this article is about six weeks after the establishment of the A.D.P. The American Consul in Tabriz monitored all the activities of this party in pursuit of its goal of autonomy. At that time, the autonomous parliamentary government of Azerbaijan had not yet been established, as it would only come into being on 21st Azar 1324 (December 12, 1945). During this transitional period, the actions of the gendarmerie and feudal entities against the A.D.P.’s activists and supporters have received less examination.
This letter reveals the injustices inflicted on the rural population of the distant regions and calls upon the consuls of "civilized nations" to voice these issues in their countries' media. At the time, rural inhabitants constituted 80% of Azerbaijan's population.
Consul Samuel Ebling refers to the activists and supporters of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party in the letter as “liberals” or “freedom-seekers” throughout. Meanwhile, another American Consul in Tabriz, Robert Rossow (a military-political figure), frequently referred to them as “rebels.” A detailed analysis of the relationship between the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and the United States, particularly regarding Robert Rossow's role, will be addressed in a different study. It is notable that Rossow strongly reported all the civil demands of the autonomous government of Azerbaijan negatively. This reveals, to some extent, the differing attitudes of American representatives in the Middle East toward movements for autonomy and freedom.
The text of the letter from the Tabriz consul states that this letter was sent to all foreign consulates in Tabriz to inform foreign nations of the dire social conditions. The letterhead of the A.D.P. is addressed to the American Consul in Tabriz without naming a specific individual. The American Consul expressed concern about their position being weakened following the Soviet withdrawal from Azerbaijan—according to the agreement of 2nd March 1946 / 11th Esfand 1324— and the possibility of the reactionary government in Tehran reestablishing control.
The other copy of this letter was sent to the National Assembly but was delayed by a month before being read by Mohammad Mossadegh in Parliament. The parliamentary discussions will also be presented here. This letter reveals a lesser-written aspect of history, showing the struggles and defeats of marginalized populations.
In the author’s view, the language and style used—both in Persian and in Azerbaijani Turkish—are unlikely to be attributed to Jafar Pishevari. While there is no evidence regarding the type of negotiations Pishevari might have undertaken in this context, it is likely that he was deeply involved in the process surrounding this letter.
The letter is signed by M. Ravandi. It seems likely that the letter was initially written in Persian and then translated into Turkish, as the Persian version contains references to file numbers. Most probably, this individual is Morteza Ravandi, a first-degree lawyer in Azerbaijan's judiciary and a member of Iran's Tudeh Party (Tudeh Party's Azerbaijan branch) [2], who joined the A.D.P. and participated in the Congress of Azerbaijan [3].
Morteza Ravandi, a historian and author of Social History of Iran, believed that Iran’s history had always been written based on the actions of kings and rulers and that books should instead focus on the common people, the true owners of the land. This letter similarly addresses the struggles of ordinary people, who suffer under oppressive systems even when the ruling power changes. This letter and several photographs documenting the claims of oppression by the gendarmerie were also published in Azerbaijan newspaper [4].
It is worth noting that the Azerbaijan Democratic Party suffered a catastrophic defeat 15 months after its establishment due to the entry of the Shah’s army into Azerbaijan under the pretext of ensuring the security of the 15th National Assembly elections in Azar 1325 / December 1946. This defeat resulted in at least 14,400 deaths (ranging from 12,500 to 17,000) in Azerbaijan due to violence, marking the beginning of the Cold War between the two superpowers.
Previous studies on the Cold War considered the February 1948 communist coup in Czechoslovakia / Bahman 1326 as its starting point. However, archival documents from the Soviet Union, as published by Jamileh Hassani, indicate that the origins of the Cold War in Iran were rooted in the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. This series of events illustrates the intersection of internal and international interests, the competition of superpowers, and the effects of the Cold War on Iran—historical dynamics that continue to be of great importance for study.
Background
On 12th Shahrivar 1324 (September 3, 1945), the Azerbaijan Democratic Party was established in Tabriz with the publication of a 12-point statement. This statement was written in both Azerbaijani Turkish and Persian and received the endorsement of 46 prominent individuals from Tabriz. The main message of the party’s statement was as follows:
“In the territory of Azerbaijan, there live people with their own distinct language, customs, and traditions who wish to maintain their autonomy in their internal affairs while preserving the independence and territorial integrity of Iran. Azerbaijan asserts: Tehran is ineffective for our needs, incapable of addressing our issues, and obstructs the advancement of our culture.”
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| Pishevari along with the members and supporters of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. |
A total of 15,000 copies of the 12th Shahrivar statement were printed [6]. Jafar Pishevari sent numerous copies of this statement to legal and competent authorities, local party committees, and associations in various cities across Azerbaijan and Iran [7].
After the distribution of the statement, many of the country’s newspapers published its contents, emphasizing Pishevari’s advocacy for autonomy in Azerbaijan. The most important point in the statement was the education and formal recognition of the Azerbaijani Turkish language in educational, administrative, and judicial institutions in Azerbaijan.
The statement also proposed specific programs for workers and peasants—groups that Pishevari identified with. For workers, the proposal included an eight-hour workday, annual leave, and improved working conditions. For peasants, the plan involved redistributing the lands of the reactionary khanates and state-owned lands among them. Pishevari and the leadership of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party sought profound, multi-dimensional reforms in Azerbaijan, with the hope that these reforms would eventually spread across all of Iran. There was no evident intention of separation from Iran within the statement [8].
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Seyed Jafar Pishavari, the Prime Minister of the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan, is seen reading Azerbaijan newspaper, the official organ of the Democratic Party. This newspaper began publication two days after the announcement of the party's formation, under the editorship of Ali Shabestari, on 14 Shahrivar 1324 (September 5, 1945) in Tabriz. Until the establishment of the autonomous government, Pishavari wrote the goals and policies of the party almost daily as editorials in both Turkish and Persian. From December 1324 (1945), with the officialization of the Turkish language in the Azerbaijan province, Azerbaijan newspaper was published solely in Turkish. |
Conference of Foreign Ministers in London
At the conclusion of the session between the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan (F.D.A.) and the Workers' Union on 30th Shahrivar (September 21), attended by about 1,500 participants and gathered in the Lion and Sun Hall in Tabriz, the conference's resolution was read — a resolution unprecedented in its nature. Members from various social classes and political parties (including some of the founders of the movement, the Tudeh Party, and the Workers' Union) signed the resolution's lower portion. Through a telegram sent to the foreign ministers of the United States (Byrnes), the United Kingdom (Boyn), the Soviet Union (Molotov), France (Be Deu), and China (Wan Shi Betiz), they declared the autonomy of Iranian Azerbaijan:
"The condition of five million Azerbaijanis in Iran is unbearable. They are deprived of all their rights. According to the Atlantic Charter, the people of Azerbaijan demand their internal freedom and autonomy. We request that all democratic Allied nations support the realization of this historic demand" [34].
The conference of five foreign ministers convened at 17:15 that same day at Lancaster House in London to deliberate on Iran's situation. Iran’s note on the evacuation of Allied forces from southern and northern Iran was the focus of discussion, particularly in response to the Soviet Union. The British were prepared to evacuate their forces from Iran by December/November, while the Soviets preferred to maintain their military presence in Iran until the latest possible opportunity, which would conclude on March 2, 1946 (11th Esfand 1324) [35].
The Telegram of "Betrayal’s Hand"
During the second and third weeks of Mehr 1324 (early October 1945), a letter titled "Hand of Betrayal" was issued in Tabriz by merchants, traders, and guilds with about 350 to 600 signatures. It criticized the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan (F.D.A.), referring to its members as "unknown and non-Iranian migrants" who sent a telegram claiming the autonomy of Azerbaijan in the name of the five million inhabitants to the Conference of Foreign Ministers in London:
"Several hundred foreigner-loving individuals are requesting the partition [of Iran] in the name of Azerbaijan" [36].
This letter was addressed to Prime Minister Sadr and was also sent as a copy to Iran's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, American, Soviet, British, Turkish, French, Chinese, Iraqi, Egyptian, and Polish embassies and newspapers like Vazifeh. In response, Pishavari wrote an editorial in both Azerbaijani Turkish and Persian for the Democratic Party's official publication, emphasizing:
"The telegram sent by the movement to the foreign ministers and the resolution of the congress did not mention partition or secession. What was stated was that due to dictatorship, Azerbaijan is in suffering and that the various provinces and regions of Iran should enjoy internal autonomy to administer their own affairs" [37].
Pishavari later attributed this letter to the manipulations of Fiqhi, a former ally of Seyyed Zia Tabatabai. Even recently, he had allegedly visited Shahsavan tribes to undermine the movement's objectives [38].
Pishavari’s accusation was accurate because the telegram's text had been forwarded to Rahim Zahtapfard in Tehran by Judge Jamal Madras (brother of Zia Madras, a member of parliament), Lieutenant Nawazesh (brother of Manouchehr Nawazesh, manager of Nehzat newspaper), and Lieutenant Nasseri (from Marand). Zahtapfard sent the telegram to Zia Tabatabai, who reportedly stated upon reviewing the document:
"Signing this declaration and telegram represents a public uprising. It will shatter the foreign powers’ baseless ambitions" [39].
Following this, the telegram was printed in numerous right-wing newspapers in tens of thousands of copies and dispatched to Azerbaijan with special couriers. The circulation of this telegram caused significant unrest in Azerbaijan, and Zia Tabatabai, pleased with its effect, ordered similar telegrams to be sent from other Iranian towns, including Miyaneh.
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| The mourning committee of the Raasteh-Koocheh neighborhood in Tabriz, during the years 1324-1325 (1945-1946), is still active even after 8 decades of its establishment. |
In the Azerbaijan newspaper, Pishavari retaliated by condemning the signatories and their supporters. He accused Rahim Zahtapfard of sowing division in Iranian society and undermining the movement’s goals. He criticized Zia Tabatabai and his associates for attempting to stir sectarian and ethnic tensions in Tehran:
"Zia Tabatabai’s group, aided by opportunists and economic mercenaries like Gholamhossein Reza-zadeh and Hussein Attaka Tiryaki, is artificially fostering sectarian prejudices. If they are genuine, they should come to Azerbaijan. The problems of Azerbaijan will be solved in Azerbaijan itself" [37].
Pishavari asserted that forcing linguistic divisions and promoting Persian over Azerbaijani were acts of deliberate provocation.
Economic Opportunists' Role
Following the creation of the autonomous government of Azerbaijan, many of these same merchants and traders — including figures like Taghi Beitollah and Sadqiani — requested permits for the export of local products such as dried goods, livestock, and wool, as well as the import of essential goods like sugar, cloth, glass, vehicles, metals, petroleum byproducts, chemicals, medicine, and cement [45].
Fifteen months later, in Azar 1325 (December 1946), upon the arrival of the royal army through military force, these individuals actively opposed the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan, attacking and killing its fighters while subjecting their families to extreme violence.
The Movement’s Political Messaging and Ideological Questions
During its activities, the Democratic Party's official publication emphasized the role of prominent Azerbaijani nationalist figures such as Sattar Khan and Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani. The publication raised questions such as:
"To the editors of Tehran’s newspapers that consider Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani a patriotic Iranian, we ask: Who killed him, and why? Was it not Tehran that labeled him as someone attempting to separate Azerbaijan from Iran? Why treat him as a traitor, a foreign agent?"
It further stated:
"Today, we can say that the movement in Azerbaijan is the product of Sheikh Mohammad's vision" [46].
The congress also stressed that the defeat of the Democratic Party under Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani was caused by the disarming of its forces. The movement’s leaders asserted that the new movement would succeed because it would maintain a strong military [47].
The Congress approved a 50-article manifesto and a 37-article charter. Article 3 of the charter included severe punishments for those who betrayed the movement:
"The Party's court has the authority to sentence individuals to capital punishment for espionage and for revealing the Party's secrets" [48].
However, this pointed to the Party's ambitions, as the punishment for treason by execution falls under state judicial systems, and no political party could legally impose such sentences. The inclusion of such language in the charter highlighted the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan’s confidence that they would soon establish their own self-governing administration.
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| A photo of Pishevari alongside the cabinet members of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party government |
Azerbaijanis and Tehran
Less than a month had passed since the September 12th declaration when Jabar Asgarzadeh, known as Baghcheban, an Azerbaijani born in Yerevan and the manager of Zaban newspaper (a member of the Freedom Front) in Tehran, expressed his happiness at reading Azerbaijan newspaper and being informed about the movement for justice. [49] In an article sent to Azerbaijan newspaper, Baghcheban proposed that the newspaper should be published exclusively in Persian. The Azerbaijan newspaper responded by stating, "Most newspapers sent from Tehran have limited readership and are only purchased by a small group. Azerbaijan, written in their mother tongue, enjoys widespread readership; it is circulated even in rural areas and increases in circulation day by day." [50]
In response to Tehran newspapers that referred to Nezam-ol-Doleh Rafiee as a migrant, Mokarram-ol-Molk Salmasi as a traitor, and Bayat Maqouei as stateless, Azerbaijan wrote:
"We will not abandon our integrity to respond to Masoudi - the manager of Information newspaper, Ali Javaher-Kalam - the manager of Hour newspaper, or others like them. They have no purpose other than intrigue and trickery. No one outside Azerbaijan cares about Azerbaijan." [51]
The Grand Congress
One week before the first Congress of the Democrat Party was convened, Pishvari, in an editorial for Azerbaijan newspaper, declared that "on the 9th of Mehr, the first Congress of the members of the party will be held, during which the founders of the party will decide to invite members from all Azerbaijani cities, approve the party’s platform (what is outlined in the September 12th declaration), and make practical decisions for future planning." [52]
On October 3rd, a general meeting of the party members was held at the Ferdowsi School hall in Tabriz, during which fifty-nine representatives were elected to participate in the Grand Congress of the party. [53] At the same time, according to Azerbaijan, the Rezaieh (Urmia) Women’s Organization was founded "on Monday, October 2nd, with the presence of nearly one thousand women." [54]
One week after the founding of the Democrat Party in Tabriz, a new party named Democrat was formed on September 19th in Zanjan at the home of Mahmoud Zolfaqari. A declaration containing the party’s platform was also distributed in the city. [55]
Pishvari heard of this and referred to it as "playing games with the Democrat Party," warning that "members of such a party will have no place in the Congress, and their party credentials, as they themselves are not Democrats, will be rejected by our commission. They can join the private and family-oriented Zolfaqari party instead. We have no alliance with them." [56]
The main emphasis of the Congress was to implement local councils with the aim of achieving local autonomy [57] and answering the question: How can the broken ship of Azerbaijan be brought to safety? Azerbaijan newspaper implicitly answered this by stating: "Whatever happens, Azerbaijan comes first, then Iran. We want to be the masters of our own house." [58]
Between the 9th and 11th of Mehr, the Democrat Party began its first Congress in Tabriz, which, according to Azerbaijan, was attended by fifteen thousand workers and peasants. Pishvari, Javid, Shabestari, and others spoke at this Congress. [59] Seventeen people were elected to organize the Congress meetings. [60]
Representatives from the Tudeh Party of Iran and Mahmoud Baghrati, a member of the Central Committee of the Tudeh Party, also attended this Congress, although Baghrati had come to Tabriz without the Tudeh Party’s Central Committee's formal approval. [61] During the Congress, emphasis was placed on "we do not want separation. Threats from Tehran will not stop us from pursuing the path we have chosen: either death or freedom." [62]
Schwarzkopf as Gendarmerie Advisor
In the first week of Mehr 1324, Colonel Schwarzkopf renewed his contract for rebuilding Iran’s military forces. The roots of this arrangement dated back three years earlier. The Qavam government, in 1321 (1942), had hired two American military advisory delegations to reconstruct and modernize Iran’s military and law enforcement institutions. The first delegation was led by General Clarence Ridley (Clarence Ridely) to rebuild the army, and the second was led by Colonel Norman Schwarzkopf (Norman Schwartzkopf) to reform the police, gendarmerie, and city police. [63][64]
In addition, Iran began purchasing American weapons, resulting in a sharp increase in Iran’s military dependency on the United States from 1321 to 1326 (1942 to 1947). An American military mission named Genmish was stationed in Iran, playing a significant role in suppressing the self-determination movements in Azerbaijan and Kurdistan. This growing dependency alarmed the Soviet Union. [65]
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| Pishevari along with Qazi Muhammad, the leader of the Republic of Mahabad. |
In the first week of Mehr 1324, Nowruz Iran newspaper, temporarily replacing Daat newspaper, wrote about Colonel Schwarzkopf’s contract renewal:
"The terms of this employment cannot be considered consistent with Iran's national dignity." [66]
The newspaper Eghdam also published an editorial, asking: "Against American encroachment, to which government should we protest?" [67]
The Feda’i Group
In the months of Mehr and Aban, most Tehran newspapers commented on the events in Azerbaijan with Iranian patriotic and idealistic perspectives. Some even proposed serious military threats. The newspaper Information wrote in its editorial:
"If the government deems necessary, it should call on individuals to volunteer and help [invade] Azerbaijan. We are certain that all young patriots and even all men and women of Iran would march toward Azerbaijan with rifles if necessary. Fear the day when 15 million Iranians mobilize toward Azerbaijan." [68]
Gholam Yahya-oghli Danshian took responsibility for the semi-military group known as the Feda’i groups. Danshian was born in 1285 (1906) in Asgarabad/Iskawar, a village near Sarab. [69] After leaving Sarab in 1297 (1918), he joined his father Yahya, who was working in the Baku oil fields.
After the establishment of Soviet rule in Azerbaijan, he joined the Communist Youth Organization (Komsomol) and participated in the cadre training programs. He was later appointed to head the local party committee in the region of Sabonchi, near Baku. This position was maintained until his return to Iran in 1318 (1937). [70]
Danshian was later arrested upon his return and spent six months in prison. In 1320 (1941), he attempted to organize displaced peasants who had risen against landowners in Sarab. He later joined the local branch of the Tudeh Party. [72] During the formation of the Democrat Party (F.D.A.), Danshian became one of its main semi-military organizers.
Danshian later recalled the circumstances leading to the group’s formation in a meeting with Pishvari:
"I suggested to my friends that we should start the movement ourselves without support from the party at first, even creating the appearance that we were unsupported by the party. This way, if we succeeded, the Central Committee would support us. If we failed, the party could claim we were anarchists and act independently." [73]
The practical success of the Democrat Party’s operations in controlling rural areas was attributed to the efforts of individuals like Gholam Yahya Danshian.
The British Consul in Tabriz reported:
"The Feda’i forces are a diverse group. In the history of ethnic and religious killings in Rezaieh [Urmia], this is the first time that Kurds, Azerbaijanis, Muslims, Assyrians, and Armenians are fighting side by side against a common enemy." [74]
The British Consul added that most members of the Feda’i forces were common peasants and workers. [75]
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According to the memoirs of both Gholam Y. Daneshian and Ahmad Jan-Polad, who were fighters on opposite sides of the front, as well as based on other documents, the first skirmish between the supporters of the Democratic Party (Demokrat Faction) and the central government forces occurred on 24th Aban 1324 / 15th November 1945 in Sarab and Miyaneh. The supporters of the Democratic Party launched armed attacks on the Gendarmerie posts and disarmed them. [77] As a result, the town of Miyaneh fell into the hands of the Fedayeen, and communication between Tehran and Tabriz was severed. [78]
The fall of Miyaneh sent a dangerous signal: these demonstrations were not ordinary but a rebellion against the central government. In some areas, such as the village of Onik / Unigh near Miyaneh, Qoli Kandi between Maragheh and Miyandoab, and the village of Yam between Marand and Tabriz, Soviet forces prevented the Gendarmerie from leaving their garrisons. [79]
At 6:00 PM on 25th Aban, Major General Arfa, Chief of Staff of the Pahlavi Shah’s army, sent a telegram to the commander of the Azerbaijan Division, stating:
"It is necessary, according to previous orders, to arm the Gendarmerie and police in the cities of Ardabil, Tabriz, Rezaieh, and other locations to the last drop of the blood of the officers and soldiers, defending state properties, especially the governor's office, police station, Gendarmerie, military barracks, and telegraph offices, without waiting for warnings from unauthorized officials other than the army headquarters, maintaining order and preventing any revolution. ...Be ready in the garrisons. ...Immediately stock up on necessary supplies and other needs in the garrisons." [80]
Miyaneh was the first region in Azerbaijan to fall into the hands of the Democratic Party. (Thirteen months later, it also became the first border city in the province of Azerbaijan to come under the control of the Pahlavi Shah's army following the evacuation of Zanjan.)
The commander of the Ardabil brigade reported to Tehran that:
"In all the villages of Ardabil, Sarab, Namin, Meshgin Shahr, and Fouladlu, members of the Tudeh Party [Democratic Party of Azerbaijan] have received weapons from the Russians, with an estimated 8,000 Brno rifles and 200 rounds of ammunition per individual being distributed. They have been practicing shooting since yesterday." [81]
Eventually, at 12:00 midnight on 25th Aban, the members of the Democratic Party launched a sudden attack on the town of Sarab and its garrisons, killing all soldiers and the garrison commander. By 7:00 PM on 25th Aban, Miyaneh fell.
Reports from the army to the central government indicated that the general situation in Azerbaijan was worsening by the moment, to the extent that even the garrisons could not establish communication to restore order and calm. [82]
In Ardabil, the Democrats initiated an armed rebellion. Members of the Gendarmerie and police were arrested, although the military garrison, half of whose troops had abandoned their service, resisted for several days. Nasserollah Khan Yourtchi resisted the Democrats, killing some of them and seizing their weapons, but was ultimately arrested and transferred to Ardabil along with other Shahsavan leaders.
It is noted that Nosrat Bey Ajirolu and Matlab Bey Qojabiglou collaborated with the Democrats. [83] As a result of this collaboration, Captain Adib Amini, an army representative in the Shahsavan affairs, was successfully established. [84]
A few weeks later, in December 1324, despite severe shortages of weapons, the Shahsavan continued their resistance. The Fedayeen of the party requested that Captain Adib Amini, the head of tribal security, write a letter to Lieutenant Sedoughi, the young commander of the Meshgin Shahr garrison, asking him to stop resisting. [85]
After the fall of Sarab and Ardabil, the Democrats advanced toward Meshgin Shahr to disarm army units. Despite heavy casualties inflicted on the Gendarmerie in Meshgin Shahr, the Democrats were victorious, killing its commander. The military garrison surrendered, and its officers were killed. Adib Amini was executed immediately after his arrest. [86]
Pasyan claims that the Democrats cut off Adib Amini’s finger to extract a gold ring from it. [87]
The letter published in this article addresses the types of incidents mentioned above from the perspective of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan. One section of the article refers to events in the village of Mardanqam in the Qara Dagh region and the brutal repression inflicted by the supporters of the Democratic Party. Sergeyef, a correspondent from The Moscow Hour, who had traveled to Azerbaijan and Zanjan, described these events in further detail.
According to Sergeyef, Abdullah Khan Mohammadkhani and Samad Khan [Ahmadi] formed armed cavalry units and committed extreme acts of violence. Reports circulated in many villages that these individuals sewed the lips of a peasant, who was an active member of the Democratic Party, shut.
In Tabriz, it was reported that on the orders of Abdullah Khan, the faces of two peasants were skinned, and red-hot iron was placed on their wounds. During the torture, the peasants were told, "These punishments are because you shouted: Long live freedom! Long live the Democratic Party!" [88]
According to the Azerbaijan Newspaper, the feudal lords of Qara Dagh tortured and killed supporters of the Democratic Party, even cutting off their noses, ears, and lips. [89] Survivors reported that the officers sent by the Democratic Party, such as Colonel Aram Armenian, interrogated and tortured several individuals from the region to locate these feudal lords. [90]
In other words, torture was used by both sides—supporters and opponents of the Democratic Party—to undermine the opposition.
On 9th of July, 1324, in the village of Ajami (or Ajami Uch Tappeh) in the district of Hashtrud:
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Footnotes
[1] Azerbaijan, "Revealing the Atrocities Committed by Government Agents...," No. 56, 25th Aban 1324 (November 16, 1945), pp. 1 and 4; the Turkish version of the letter appears without the signatory's name, and the introduction states that the letter was left open.
[2] National Documents Organization of Iran, "Speech by a Member of the Tudeh Party Congress Regarding the Activities of the Azerbaijani Democratic Party," No. 290006327, Archival custody: 435n 3 a 1, confidential report from the governor of the first province, dated 18/9/1324 (October 9, 1945).
[3] Azerbaijan, Announcement No. 58, dated 28th Aban 1324 (November 19, 1945), p. 2, Column 3, the bottom 12 names. It does not appear that Mohammad Ali Ravandi was one of the journalists associated with the Azerbaijani Democratic Party, whose name is listed in Jamil Hasanli's book. Reference:
Cəmil Həsənli (2024), Tabriz-1946: The Triumph and Tragedy of the National Government, Qanun Publishing, Baku, p. 40.
[4] Azerbaijan, Numbers 56-60, from 25th Aban to 30th Aban 1324 (November 16 to November 21, 1945), Articles, photographs, and prosecutor investigations, multiple pages.
[5] While I am not particularly fond of referencing my own articles, since no comprehensive research has been conducted on this topic, I find it necessary to refer to two research articles:
- Younes Leysi Derilou, "The Final Days of the Autonomous Azerbaijani Government: 1. Mourning in Tabriz, Wedding in Tehran," Radio Zamaneh, December 6, 2023
- Younes Leysi Derilou, "The Final Days of the Autonomous Azerbaijani Government: 2. Statistics of the Dead and Executed," Radio Zamaneh, December 20, 2023.
[6] Yadollah Kiani, Pishaveri’s Memoirs, 1320–1326 (1941–1947), Baku, A.D.P. Archive, 1325–1326 (1945–1946).
[7] Pessian, Death Was Also a Return, 1326 (1947), p. 22.
[8] Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, translated by Gol Mohammadi and Fattahi, Ney Publishing, pp. 491–495; Hassan Nazari, Ill-Fated Appointments, p. 110.
[9] Lewis Faust, Iran and the Cold War, translated by Kaveh Bayat, p. 70; Hassan Nazari, Ill-Fated Appointments, p. 110.
[10] Telegram received by the British Foreign Office from the ambassador of His Majesty the King in Tehran, dated 9th October 1945 / 17th Mehr 1324, in Kaveh Bayat, The Kurds and the Democratic Party, p. 28.
[11] Ahmad Zanganeh, Memoirs of My Missions in Azerbaijan, from September 1320 to January 1325, pp. 56–57.
[12] Ahmad Kasravi, What Will Be the Fate of Iran?, Mehr Publishing and Navid Publishing, 1988, p. 19.
[13] Ulus, 27th Shahrivar 1324 (September 18, 1945).
[14] Cumhuriyet, "Notable Movements in Iranian Azerbaijan," No. 7575, 19th September 1945, p. 3.
Cumhuriyet, September 19, 1945 / 28th Shahrivar 1324 (September 18, 1945).