Yashar Gulshen - September 18, 2005
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| The Land Measured with a Gun (2005) - Alirza Miyanali |
On the occasion of the publication of Alirza Miyanali's book: The Land Measured with a Gun
It is commonly said that history is the best judge of any social event. Perhaps this is because the true, long-term effects of any social event only become apparent over time, as a result of the actions and reactions of different forces, and can be reliably evaluated. Now, nearly 60 years after the one-year rule of the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan, between December 12, 1945, and December 12, 1946, and considering the resurgence of national and democratic movements in the region, it is an opportunity to revisit this movement and analyze its political and social achievements during that short yet fiery period in the lives of the people of Azerbaijan and other ethnic groups in Iran.
The reality is that, while Iranian political movements frequently commemorate the victories and defeats of the last century in the struggle against despotism and in the quest to establish democratic governments, and regularly honor the sacrifices of those who fought for these transformations, the achievements of that historic one-year period of the Azerbaijani National Government and the countless martyrs of the movement are still largely neglected. If we objectively look at the modern history of Iran, from the Constitutional Revolution as the beginning of Iranian national awakening and the nationwide battle against despotism until the present day, it is no exaggeration to say that the one-year period of the Azerbaijani National Government stands as both the most significant and fruitful historical period in which the victory of democracy—though on a regional scale and in the short term—was realized, and, on the other hand, it is the most critical passage that, due to the failure of Iranian democratic forces to unite—due to short-sightedness and petty nationalist prejudice—inflicted the deepest wounds on the nationwide struggle for freedom throughout Iran. Although the defeat of the Azerbaijani national movement, on the surface, seemed to be a regional loss, it destroyed the hopes of the people of Azerbaijan for a better and freer life for decades. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the blows inflicted upon the social and political life of the working and oppressed people across Iran had long-lasting effects, solidifying the oppressive economic, social, and national foundations of the country's despotic structure. These developments prevented the subsequent uprisings of the Iranian people from effectively breaking the chains of oppression and injustice that governed their lives.
Alirza Miyanali's book, titled "The Land Measured with a Gun," is one of those interventions that opens a historical window into this revolutionary period. Utilizing written sources from the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and the oral memories of the people involved in the movement, the book takes the reader to the heart of a major revolution that, in terms of its revolutionary nature, emergence, and subsequent developments, is comparable to famous global revolutions, from the Mexican peasant uprisings to the Great October Revolution. This two-volume book, spanning 587 pages, was recently published in Vancouver, Canada, in Azerbaijani Turkish using Arabic script. The book provides a detailed account of the historical events in Azerbaijan before the rise of the people of Azerbaijan to power on December 12, 1945, describes the actions and achievements of the National Government during the one-year period leading up to December 12, 1946, and analyzes the reasons and events behind the movement's defeat.
The book's title is derived from an event during the division of the land of fleeing landlords in one of the villages in the Qaradagh region. According to the author’s uncle, following the approval of the National Assembly's law on February 16, 1946, which stipulated that the land and property of those who had fled Azerbaijan and were spreading propaganda against the freedom of the people of Azerbaijan and the National Government would be confiscated and distributed among the peasants of the region, the confrontation between the landlords and their mercenaries with the people escalated. In one case, to confront the infamous feudal lord Abdullah Khan in Qaradagh, in addition to the Fadaiyan forces from Ahar, a group of Fadaiyan from Tabriz was also sent. Among the Fadaiyan, there was a relatively older fighter named Hassan Dayi. Thanks to the efforts and bravery of these Fadaiyan, despite the military and financial support that the Tehran government provided to Abdullah Khan’s forces, the Qaradagh region was completely liberated in just a few days. Subsequently, Hassan Dayi addressed the villagers who had gathered in the village square and announced that according to the National Government's decree, the land of the fleeing landlord would be confiscated. Since these lands were within the village, he proposed that 2,000 meters of the land be allocated for the village school, and assured them that the National Government would provide assistance for its construction. This proposal brought joy to the villagers, but one of them asked how the land for the school would be measured. Hassan Dayi, taking his rifle off his shoulder and lifting it into the air, shouted, "With this gun." Perhaps this was the first time in Azerbaijan's history that a gun was raised, not for bloodshed, but for construction, agriculture, and progress. Following such events, one of the heartfelt couplets from Azerbaijani oral literature emerged and was passed down through generations:
Fələk məni sayanda
Bəxt çirağım yananda
Tüfəngim ölçü oldu
Ərbabdan yer alanda.
"When fate counted me,
And the light shone on my fortune,
My rifle became the measuring tool
When I took the land from the lord."
There are several key points in the revolutionary democratic movement of the people of Azerbaijan that distinguish it from other revolutionary movements in Iran, giving it a unique characteristic.
The first issue is the democratic nature of this movement from its very inception. The national movement of Azerbaijan began with the uprising of the peasants of Azerbaijan and, under the leadership of intellectuals and socialist workers, especially Seyed Jafar Pishevari, it achieved victory by taking advantage of the weaknesses of reactionary forces. The landless peasant masses, who were deprived of the minimum means of subsistence and human life due to the oppression of the feudal lords affiliated with the central government, formed the backbone of this movement. The book by Alirza Miyanali provides detailed and interesting information about the early stages of this movement in various regions of Azerbaijan. According to the book, armed uprisings actually began in late 1944 and early 1945, and in each region, groups of advanced peasants clashed with the gendarmerie, police, and military forces. In every corner of Azerbaijan, waves of dissatisfaction with the Iranian government grew, and gradually, as the number of Fedayi (freedom fighter) groups increased and they joined together, the liberation of villages, towns, and cities began. Thus, the armed volunteer forces of the movement were essentially made up of the rebellious peasant cells that formed in various parts of Azerbaijan and, upon the declaration of the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party on September 10, 1945, joined it and were organized into a liberation army. The armed Fedayi groups of Ardabil, on November 18, 1945, besieged the Ardabil police station to cut off the connection between the military and gendarmerie with the local landlords around Ardabil. On the same day, over 500 Fedayi from the Vilkij region, led by Farzi Dehqan, captured the region. The Fedayi groups of Serab and Miane also succeeded in capturing these two cities around the same time.
After the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and the intensification of peasant uprisings against the government and the local landlords, as well as the announcement of the integration of the Azerbaijan branch of the Tudeh Party of Iran (which at that time was the only organization defending the rights of the working people of Iran), the first congress of the people of Azerbaijan was held on November 20, 1945, in Tabriz. According to information in Alirza Miyanali’s book, 744 representatives, elected from 150,000 people, participated in the congress after meetings and gatherings held in various provinces, cities, and villages of Azerbaijan. Thirty-seven domestic and foreign journalists also covered the events of the congress.
After the announcement of the demands of the people of Azerbaijan at this congress and in the face of the Shah’s regime's resistance to these demands and the incitement of the landlords and local mercenary forces, the people's relentless struggle to disarm the regime's repressive organs intensified. Ultimately, after a wave of soldiers and officers joining the movement, the surrender of the Tabriz garrison to the will of the people on December 11, 1945, led to the establishment and declaration of an autonomous government. Afterward, within a few days, with the joining of the general public to the movement and the surrender of government forces in other major cities, the movement’s establishment was realized throughout Azerbaijan.
One of the first actions of the national government was the distribution of the land that had been confiscated by Reza Shah’s government during the Pahlavi period, along with the lands of the landlords who had fled to Tehran, among the landless peasants. Alongside this, a land reform policy was declared to regulate the division of agricultural produce in favor of the peasants, ending the exploitative pressure of landlords on the peasants who had been deprived of the fruits of their labor under the guise of feudal rent.
In urban areas, revolutionary measures were taken to administer production units, which are discussed in detail in Alirza Miyanali's book. According to the book, the Azerbaijan National Government took specific measures to strengthen the Workers’ United Council as a genuine workers' organization and to raise the political awareness of the workers. The Ghalabeh newspaper, as the organ of the workers of Azerbaijan, began publication with the help of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. In factories, significant steps were taken in matters of health, working hours were reduced for hard labor, and higher wages were considered for workers. According to the approval of the National Assembly of Azerbaijan, measures were also taken concerning the insurance of workers, the establishment of labor unions, the prohibition of child labor for those under 14 years old, the program for the maintenance and education of orphans and the needy at the state’s expense, a one-month annual leave for workers, maternity leave for women, and retirement benefits for workers.
The second exceptional characteristic of the national movement of Azerbaijan, alongside its democratic nature, is the widespread support it received from all social classes. At first glance, the support and collaboration of a significant portion of the merchants and bourgeoisie of Azerbaijan with this revolutionary movement, which had peasant roots and was led by socialist intellectuals, may seem strange and unbelievable. However, if we consider the national character of the movement, this feature becomes justifiable.
The reality is that after the failure of the Constitutional Revolution and the establishment of the dictatorial government of Reza Khan, and the policy of cultural annihilation of non-Persian nations, the people of Azerbaijan were subjected to the most severe economic and cultural repression. The state-building policy of the Pahlavi regime had moved beyond merely denying the rights of non-Persian ethnic groups, such as the Azerbaijanis, Kurds, and Arabs in Iran, and reached the stage of forcing them to assimilate into a fake unified nationality. Naturally, the people of Azerbaijan, historically more politically and nationally aware due to their extensive connections with the outside world through the Caucasus and Ottoman Empire, became the target of even harsher repression and lived in a distinctly different situation. If the Azerbaijani peasants were under the cruel exploitation of the landlords who were affiliated with the central government, the merchants and bourgeoisie of Azerbaijan were also in a similarly poor economic situation under national and regional oppression.
Along with the planned destruction of Azerbaijan's economy, the attack on the cultural symbols and the mother tongue of the Azerbaijani people was like waves of venomous arrows that struck all parts of the population without discrimination, naturally sowing hatred in the hearts of the rulers and promoters of this despised policy. The national government of Azerbaijan, in fact, grew and became historically significant on the backdrop of this economic and cultural repression and in the face of feudal and national oppression.
The third exceptional feature of this movement, which has forever immortalized it in the hearts of the working people of Azerbaijan, is the scale and quality of services provided by the national government during its very short one-year existence in economic, social, and cultural spheres. Alirza Miyanali’s book offers fascinating details of the political achievements and infrastructure services completed during this period. Just reviewing even the main headings of these achievements reveals the immense work accomplished and the degree of hatred from the enemies of the people toward this shining historical innovation.
During this period, Azerbaijani women participated in social activities alongside men, and women’s organizations played a significant role in improving the social conditions of women. For the first time in the East, Azerbaijani women were granted the right to vote and to be elected to legislative bodies, a right that was later revoked by the Pahlavi regime after the failure of the movement one year later.
The number of primary and secondary schools nearly doubled, and special textbooks for teaching the Turkish language were prepared. A generation of people in Azerbaijan had the historical opportunity to start their education in their mother tongue from the beginning of primary school. Although this opportunity was taken away after the movement’s failure and the infamous book-burning that echoed the actions of fascists in Germany and Italy.
The Azerbaijani Turkish language was designated as the official language of government and judicial affairs, and translators were appointed for those who were not familiar with it.
The national languages of other ethnic groups residing in Azerbaijan were also taught in their own special schools according to the national government’s policy. Overall, the democratic approach of the national government to the rights of other ethnicities left a shining example in history. It was no coincidence that between the two autonomous republics of Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, there were such friendly relations and strong democratic agreements that Qazi Muhammad, the historical leader of the Kurdish movement in Iran, responded to the Shah regime’s request to use Kurdish soil for an attack on Azerbaijan by saying, “You must cross over my dead body,” and, shortly thereafter, bravely gave his life for this commitment.
For the first time in Tabriz, Tabriz University, consisting of three faculties: medicine, agriculture, and pedagogy (including departments in history, language, literature, philosophy, law, physics, mathematics, and natural sciences), began operating and quickly expanded with suitable teaching and research equipment.
In April 1946, for the first time in Tabriz, a radio station was established and began broadcasting. The programs of this radio station were broadcast in Azerbaijani Turkish as well as Persian, Russian, French, English, Armenian, Kurdish, and Assyrian.
The national government provided essential support for the famous Shir-o-Khorshid Theater in Tabriz and helped establish theaters in other major cities of Azerbaijan. During this period, the Philharmonic Orchestra, consisting of 85 artists, was formed in Tabriz for the first time.
The scope of services during the period of the National Government in terms of health matters cannot be expressed in one sentence. Perhaps a comparison of the 49 doctors working in the government system at the start of the party’s activities with the 196 doctors one year later, which resulted from the increase in the number of hospitals and the voluntary return of Azerbaijani doctors, can offer a glimpse of what was taking place. Even for the education of orphaned children, a special committee was formed. To ensure a comfortable life for them, pensions were established. For example, in one of these pensions in Tabriz, 400 children lived, and in another, 100 children lived.
The general movement for the development of cities and villages was one of the most tangible and memorable events during the National Government. Major cities in Azerbaijan were asphalted for the first time, and many streets in both cities and villages were paved with stone.
The policy of administrative system reform in a short period of time resulted in the eradication of bribery, which was a major problem in governmental relations at the time. Interestingly, this issue still persists in Iran and many similar countries today. According to both friends and enemies, bribery was completely eradicated.
Even the term "miracle" cannot justify and describe this historical phenomenon. Each of these achievements alone is sufficient to give a sacred legitimacy to a social movement, especially when considering the technical limitations of that era, the end of World War II, the revolutionary situation, and the political and military struggles of that one-year period. In reality, understanding these actions and how they were carried out is only possible by comprehending the volcanic power of creative force that was unleashed. With reliance on their national culture, people worked enthusiastically, with passion and sacrifice, and under the guidance of their knowledgeable leaders, achieved great feats and made the impossible possible. In other words, interpreting and justifying what was created is only possible by studying and understanding the proper alignment of the mass movement in defense of the national existence of the people with a leadership organization armed with socialist ideology. Neither the excitement and fervor of the people could have achieved anything without organization and revolutionary planning, nor could the revolutionary ideology in those historical conditions have achieved anything without involving the general masses of people. Undoubtedly, the foundation of this connection between ideology and revolutionary action relied on the national culture and language of the people of Azerbaijan.
Without prioritizing the struggle against national oppression, neither the Democratic Party could have united and mobilized the oppressed masses and peasants of Azerbaijan, nor would the people have trusted their leaders without the struggle against national oppression. Prioritizing the national slogans of the movement actually served the restoration of the fundamental human rights of the people of Azerbaijan and focused on the fight against the extreme Aryan nationalist ideology. Here, nationalism in the movement served socialist ideals and national equality. The national movement of Azerbaijan never aimed to treat the people of Azerbaijan as an isolated group or seek special privileges for them. Rather, it acted against the policy of one language and culture dominating others to the point of obliterating other languages and cultures.
Unfortunately, the revolutionary enthusiasm of that one fateful year, in which the people of Azerbaijan worked toward the creation of a free, progressive, and humane society that could have become a center for its spread throughout Iran and the definitive uprooting of the dictatorship of the Shah, the landlords, and the reactionary capitalists, was turned into a national tragedy as a result of the military invasion by the Shah’s regime, alongside the many mercenaries from the landlords who were driven out of the reclaimed lands. The National Government of Azerbaijan fell on 21 Azar 1325 due to this invasion, surrounded by factors influenced by the policies of the dominant countries of that era, namely the United States and the Soviet Union, and the painful silence of the people in other parts of Iran.
The vengeance of the reactionary forces on the people of Azerbaijan was so brutal and merciless that some impartial foreign observers rightfully described it as the behavior of an occupying, plundering army. During the invasion and looting of the cities and villages of Azerbaijan, and the ruthless killings and executions, nearly thirty thousand people were killed, and thousands more were forced to migrate. Without exaggeration, the scale and brutality of the Pahlavi regime’s crimes against the people of Azerbaijan were far greater and more ruthless than all the repressive actions that the regime’s forces inflicted on the people of Iran until the 1979 Revolution.
Several examples of the brutality of the killers are detailed in the book "Sillahla Olculen Toprak." Among these, the massacre on 26 Azar 1325 in Ardabil is mentioned, where numerous bodies of martyrs from the movement obstructed passage through the city. "The body of Sari Esmail, Dibaiyan, and other martyrs were paraded throughout the city. Khalil Daei, the governor of Ardabil, was hanged three times, each time revived and hanged again. At the gallows, he loudly cried: 'I die for the truth. Ultimately, victory belongs to freedom and justice.'" The criminals even hanged children. The severed head of Ali Ghahramani was placed on a spear in Basmenj, and, like the savages of ancient times, they paraded around it, shouting war cries. For months, blood flowed in place of water along the streets of Satar Khan in Tabriz. Fereydoun Ebrahimi, a scholarly figure of the National Government, was hanged after six months of brutal torture when his will was finally broken.
The looters shamelessly attacked even cultural and intellectual artifacts. They plundered the library of the Provincial Assembly, the national orchestra building, and the state theater. The statues of the national heroes were destroyed, and in their place, statues of Reza Shah were erected. Tens of thousands of educational and historical books written in the language of the people of Azerbaijan were burned in multiple book-burning ceremonies.
Despite all this assault by reactionary forces and the defeat of the movement, which crushed the revolutionary dreams of a generation, the people of Azerbaijan never forgot their historical democratic aspirations, which had been forged in the Constitutional Revolution and through numerous national struggles under the leadership of figures like Sattar Khan and Bagher Khan. Even in the short duration of the National Government, these aspirations were brought to fruition. The test of the people’s will during this period, relying on their culture and language, was so successful, and its social and economic achievements were so extraordinary that, despite all the suffering caused by the movement's defeat, the sweet memories of that time will forever remain in the minds of the people.
The book The Land Measured with a Gun simply narrates the events of this extraordinary historical period. It also intimately describes the simple lives of ordinary people who benefited from the actions of the National Government. Alirza Miyanali’s book, both in recounting the official decisions of the National Government and in sharing the memories of the figures involved in the movement, particularly those of the common people, captures the nostalgic yearning for a historical dream. Here, the pride of a people is reflected, a people who experienced something they never even dreamed of in their wildest dreams. The book takes the reader on a dreamy journey to that one year, which, for the people of Azerbaijan, has now become a legendary period. Indeed, the great achievements of that one year under the National Government, which transformed the social and national life of the people of Azerbaijan, were real, but the suffering they endured before that period and the misery they experienced after the movement's defeat, and the cruel national oppression they still endure, have turned that one dreamlike year into a legend in their hearts.
Read Alirza Miyanali's book: The Land Measured with a Gun: Volume One, Volume Two