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| Seyed Jafar Pishevari, the founder of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan |
On September 10, 1945, one week after the publication of the famous September 1st statement and the announcement of the formation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party (Firqah), Seyed Jafar Pishevari delivered a 90-minute speech in the Shir and Khorshid Theater of Tabriz (1) about the establishment of the party and its general slogans and goals. A summary of this speech was published in six consecutive issues of Azerbaijan newspaper – the organ of the party – under the title "Agha Pishevari'nin Nutkının Kısa Özeti" (Summary of Mr. Pishevari’s Speech). Although the September 1st statement itself had a detailed introduction with clear and simple language, and Pishevari also explained the goals of the party in the editorial of the first issue of Azerbaijan (Firqah’s official publication), this speech was the first thorough explanation of the origins and objectives of the party from the leader of the movement. What follows is the translation of the summary of this speech.
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About two and a half years ago, in this same hall, I proved with reasons that Iran would emerge from this world war safely. I still believe this. There is no doubt about it because great personalities of the world have guaranteed this to the Iranian people.
The issue of independence is fundamentally not a debatable topic. No one wants to deny it. The late Mosavat, one of the former leaders of the Democratic Party, advised us to avoid raising the issue of independence. He said that such a matter could only be discussed when it was in doubt and debatable. The independence of Iran is a definite and indisputable issue.
I intentionally raised this matter so that the clear and evident slogans of our party would not be misinterpreted by ill-intentioned people.
(At this point, Mr. Pishevari, while drawing a map of Iran in the air, added:) I say clearly that our words and demands are not outside of this map. Our discussion is within the borders of Iran. If everyone pays attention to this point again, the discussion and understanding will be easier.
Those present in this assembly may recall my second detailed speech. On that day, I was elected to the parliament as a representative of 16,000 Azerbaijanis. Many of the listeners of that speech may be present here today. On that day, considering the country’s situation, I said that one representative alone could not save the country from its misery. I was deeply affected because a worker, with great emotion and enthusiasm, kissed my shoulder and said, "Go. I entrust you to God. Perhaps you can solve our pains." (2) I knew that as long as the current conditions of the country, especially Tehran, did not change, I would not be able to fulfill that man’s hopes. That’s why on that day, I asked for the people’s help and said that a representative alone could not accomplish anything; the people must unite and find a solution to their problems.
After I went to Tehran and entered the parliament, my despair grew. There, I witnessed thousands of telegrams and petitions for justice being left unanswered. I realized that many of those who joined the Freedom faction – a faction we had worked so hard to form with great enthusiasm – were pursuing very small, self-serving, and selfish goals. I experienced once again that the entire parliament and government institutions were being manipulated by three or four reactionary, malicious, dishonest, and fraudulent people. (3)
These observations had a huge impact on my spirit. I knew that my efforts and those of the traitors who occupied the seats of parliament would not go hand in hand, and I felt that these highwaymen would not easily accept me among them. From this perspective, I seized the opportunity to speak. I told them about the needs of the 16,000 Azerbaijanis who had elected me and sent me to the parliament. They listened carefully and in deep silence, and they approved. But these approvals were nothing more than a black veil to cover up their treachery. As soon as they found the chance, they thought to themselves, "It seems that this Azerbaijani is not one to sit still; we must get rid of him." And with the dishonesty worthy of foxes, they opposed my credentials.
Despite all this, I did not lose hope, and with the help of freedom-loving individuals who had gathered around the Freedom Front, we began the struggle. Unfortunately, our fiery articles and strong words remained ineffective and unanswered. Tehran stirred, but it moved toward reaction and toward trampling on the rights of the people.
The situation eventually became so dire that I was certain staying in Tehran and writing articles or delivering speeches would not yield any results. I had no choice but to think about the long discussions we had a year ago here in Tabriz.
This plan was very simple. Many of my comrades in Tabriz, with the idea that nothing could be done from Tehran, said, "We must start from Azerbaijan. We must first correct things here. We must establish a national government here with the strength of the people of Azerbaijan. Tehran is the center of reaction and despotism. Tehran opposes all movements from the periphery. Initially, we must ignore Tehran and act directly here."
The validity of this idea became clearer to me when I discussed the telegrams of complaint and justice from the people of Azerbaijan with the responsible government officials. For example, Bayat (4) said that I had spoken on the radio, and there was no need for the people to trouble themselves with petitions and telegrams.
Sadr (5) said that even if a thousand telegrams were sent, I would not respond to any of them.
These words could not be answered in any other way. We had to speak directly with the people. Freedom had to be secured by the people’s clenched fist! With this slogan, at the suggestion of the freedom-loving people of Azerbaijan, I moved from Tehran toward Azerbaijan.
Here, after seriously analyzing the internal and external situation of Iran and Azerbaijan with my close comrades, we realized the necessity of a large, independent party.
This party must operate under the banner of democracy – a goal that is universally pursued and understood by everyone. We accepted this name and, in order to gather the people around it, we published a detailed statement on Monday.
The basis of this statement lies in the rights and entitlements that the people of Azerbaijan have fought for over a long period due to their needs. We cannot forget the history of the freedom struggle of the people of Azerbaijan. The reactionary forces in Tehran have dealt significant blows to Azerbaijan. We cannot expect any hope from this autocratic regime that resides in Tehran. Tehran has always tried to keep Azerbaijan under pressure. The traitorous elements ruling there have never hesitated to destroy our leaders and break our national pride.
The treacherous dragging of the great leader of the people of Azerbaijan, Sattar Khan, to Tehran and his death is still fresh in our memories. (6)
In those days, when the despots considered Sattar Khan's intervention in government affairs a great sin and had him surrounded in Atabak Park, people's property, lives, and honor in the streets, alleys, and homes of Tehran were trampled upon by Bakhtiari gunmen. Instead of punishing them, the center appointed these khans to ministries and the highest positions.
Tehran has always feared the name Azerbaijan and has treated those who have spoken of it ruthlessly. The injustices done to the late Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani – who, after Sattar Khan, was the pride of Azerbaijan – are a testament to this.
I was present in the parliament when the credentials of his murderer, Haji Mokhber al-Saltaneh, were approved. On that day, the brave representative of Iran's freedom fighters, the late Soleiman Mirza, protested against this traitor's credentials. He passionately enumerated the sacrifices of the late Sheikh Mohammad for the freedom of Iran, yet Haji Mokhber al-Saltaneh shamelessly went to the podium and said: “Yes, I killed him, but this was a great service because Khiyabani was betraying the country.” (7)
The National Assembly, which was established with the blood of Azerbaijan’s heroes, accepted the credentials of this executioner and named him the representative of the people. Later, this traitor, by order of Reza Shah, became the head of Iran’s government for over a decade. This was the reward for his treachery.
Tehran proved by this act that speaking in the name of Azerbaijan is considered treason. You all know Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani very well. Many of you have had the opportunity to hear his meaningful speeches. I ask you: what treason did he commit against Iran?
At that time, I, as an Azerbaijani, strongly protested in the newspaper "Haqiqat" and wrote, “We consider it an honor to pay our respects to the graves of those whom you call traitors.” By writing these bold words, I tried to soothe the burning national pride inside me. (8)
How strange! What could the crime and sin of Sheikh Khiyabani have been, other than carrying the name of Azerbaijan?
A very bitter remark by the late Mirza Kuchik Khan about Tehran comes to mind. He said, “In order to build Tehran, they have ruined all of Iran. To build Iran, Tehran must be ruined.” I do not intend to endorse this statement, nor do I recommend the destruction of Tehran. However, there is a truth in this statement, which pertains to the murderous policy that Tehran has pursued against the freedom movements outside Tehran and the great personalities of these movements.
Mirza Kuchik Khan himself was killed in a very brutal manner, and his head was sent as a gift to Reza Khan, the treacherous enemy of Iran's freedom.
The same crime was committed against Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessian – another heroic son of Azerbaijan, who led an uprising in Khorasan.
All these show that the forces of reaction and despotism rooted in Tehran will stop at nothing to suppress the freedom movements outside Tehran.
To end these crimes, we must break the power of Tehran through local and national authority. (9) Azerbaijan, as always, must be at the forefront of this. Expecting freedom from Tehran is a grave mistake. The hands of the freedom fighters there are tied.
Naturally, we could not establish our national government immediately after the fall of Reza Khan. At that time, I had written articles in the newspaper "Ajir" to prove to the youth that this was impossible. There was no party capable of leading the national movement and revolution. A revolution without leadership could not succeed. But now, the situation has entirely changed, and after three and a half years of struggle, new forces and powerful political organizations have entered the arena.
I do not intend to discuss the revolution or its plan right now. I want to say that today, if our people take action to claim their rights and powers, there is a practical possibility of achieving that.
The autocratic government that occupies the center has shown its incompetence. There is no expectation to have anything from the National Assembly. The despots who have settled there have not even been able to pass a single law in the past year.
The establishment of constitutionalism and national government, in the first place, is about determining the country's budget and its revenues and expenditures. Our Constitutional Revolution, like the French Revolution, was created to accomplish this task. However, the fourteenth assembly has not been able to solve this issue. Now, the taxes collected and the money spent are all considered illegal and stolen.
One of the people I know to be patriotic said to me: "In one of your speeches, you spoke about respect for the law and adhering to it."
I do not deny this. The law is sacred. In a lawless country, justice, security, and humanity cannot exist. But the law must be respected by both sides.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the great thinker of the French Revolution, in his work The Social Contract says: “A contract must be two-sided. If it is violated by one side, the other side is not obliged to respect it.” According to Rousseau, laws are nothing but a contract between the people and the government. Now, those who are at the head of our government and those who form the majority of our parliament have violated the laws they themselves enacted and the contracts they themselves wrote. Therefore, we must consider those laws null and void.
Furthermore, they have always made a mockery of the law. When they want to destroy freedom and suppress the rights and powers of the people, they bring up the laws and try to use them. But the laws that benefit the people are forgotten and relegated to the archives.
One of my friends wrote a saying from Yazd: It seems that there was a fake preacher in Yazd who, when he went on the pulpit, fainted and fell on the women. One of the people from Yazd finally said: “Cleric! I don’t know why you always faint toward the lady?”
Now, our government officials always fall on the lady when they faint. That is, they always pass oppressive laws. We see no sign of just laws.
We Azerbaijanis have obtained the foundation and root of the laws at the cost of great sacrifices. The traitors who consider the central government as their inheritance have practically swept it away and hidden it. There has been no trace of the Law of Provincial and Local Assemblies— which guarantees our rights and powers—for years. I ask the person who talks to me about the law to answer this. He has nothing but empty talk to offer.
We must openly show the truth to the people. Our demands are based on the law. We have fought for the revival of the constitution, which guarantees the rights of nations and peoples. A constitution without provincial and local assemblies can only be dry and meaningless paper.
Out of respect for the law and reverence for it, we are primarily calling for the implementation of the most significant and fundamental law—the issue of the Provincial Assembly.
I am not just saying these words here. When I had the opportunity to attend the National Assembly a few days ago, I demanded serious work from the so-called representatives in a tone harsher than this. But I had no hope of even a small step toward the people from them.
As I mentioned, many among us are "more catholic than the pope". Yesterday, one of them criticized me and said: "Are you still writing that the government does not care about Azerbaijan? Are you still saying that the taxes collected from Azerbaijan are greater than the budget spent in Azerbaijan? Azerbaijan doesn't even pay that much tax to Tehran. We should be grateful to Tehran because it treats us well. If Tehran didn't exist, we would die of hunger."
I do not doubt the intelligence of this person. But do you see how trying to impose false and malicious statements on the people forces a person to say such things?
I told this ungrateful person: "Do you know that for twenty years, Reza Khan sold sugar that I bought for four qirans for 18 qirans? Don't you want to understand that widowed working women in Azerbaijan, when buying a box of matches, pay three-quarters of a qiran in taxes?" The truth is bitter, but it must be said. I explicitly stated in the assembly that: "I can prove this with precise calculations." The money allocated from the education budget to Azerbaijan, if divided by the population of Azerbaijan, cannot even amount to a unit to show. I turned it into the price of matches. The result was that the share of each person is less than the cost of a matchstick. (10)
This blind and deaf person is so far removed from the people that he cannot know about the 30-toman monthly salary of our elementary school teachers, who work 12 hours a day. Even if he knew, he is so proud of his eloquence that he tries to deny this obvious truth.
It is clear that we cannot be diverted from the path we have chosen by the words of such corrupt, stubborn, and disruptive individuals. I told him that we will strive to achieve our goals. If you are telling the truth, step forward and show us what you can do.
We cannot pay attention to such useless words. We must work and be active. The people are tired and disappointed with empty talk, rhetoric, and chattering.
What we need to do is not complicated. First of all, the city council we have elected to reform our city's affairs must begin its work. Tehran wants to trample even this simplest right of ours. For months, the people have elected a council to improve their homes and run their local cultural and civic affairs. Yet, the Ministry of the Interior refuses to approve it, even under Reza Khan's unjust and unconstitutional laws.
As a result, the city has become a ruined cemetery, and filth and dirt rise from every corner of its streets. (11)
There is no country claiming democracy in the world where the government can interfere in the affairs of its municipalities. This cursed barrier created by Reza Khan must be broken, and the municipality must begin its work to save the city from becoming a ruin.
We saw in the water issue that the commission, which we simply elected, was able to supply water to several important neighborhoods of the city for several days. If this continues, it could have many positive outcomes. Other tasks are also planned accordingly.
We must work hard and act. We must completely lose hope in the ministries of Tehran, which are in the hands of traitors. Moreover, due to the circumstances created by the reactionaries, all of Iran is in a state of chaos. In Isfahan, Shiraz, and southern cities like Mazandaran and Gorgan, rebellions and uprisings have begun. Even the government is unable to stop the turmoil in Tehran itself. Although martial law has been declared and it is forbidden to be seen in the streets after ten o'clock, protecting people's property and lives has become impossible.
In such a situation, the Azerbaijan Democratic Party has started its activities by issuing a statement. In less than a week, a deep calm has been observed in our city and throughout Azerbaijan. It is as if the people have found a center of gravity, a shelter. Disturbing actions against public security have been silenced, and disruptive elements have been put in their place.
Now, in terms of security and peace, Azerbaijan is far ahead of the rest of Iran. The party sees this success as a positive omen and will continue its policy of peace and security.
The statement has had a very profound impact outside Azerbaijan. Our enemies, especially the despots who trample the rights of the people of Iran—who sit in Tehran—have read it and are trembling.
By creating a large party, we will prove to the world that we are capable and powerful enough to manage our own home without foreign assistance. (Strong applause from the audience)
I do not wish to talk too much about our party. What I can say is that you must have read our statement, and its enormous impact on Azerbaijan can be seen here in the calm that reigns. In contrast to the chaos and turmoil that has engulfed all of Iran, there is no sign of it here. Whether in the cities or in the villages, the people trust the party and warmly welcome its slogans regarding security. While Iran is like a turbulent sea, Azerbaijan stands as a quiet and peaceful island.
Our statement has caused a stir in Tehran like a bomb. Despite its limited distribution there, it has quickly attracted the attention of the people. As a result, the cabinet of Prime Minister Sadr, which has forcibly imposed itself on the people of Iran, has been shaken, and the reactionary representatives, who are servile, have lost their bearings.
It is highly likely that, as a result of the blow we have struck, the Sadr cabinet will fall, and temporarily, a transitional or a freedom-loving cabinet will take over. But these little tricksters cannot deceive us. In order to secure freedom not for a few days, but forever, we must preserve the central focus that we have created here and hold it firmly, like a fist over the reactionaries in the center who are working to destroy freedom.
Moreover, the peace and security that have emerged after the activities of our party have shown that our people are capable of governing themselves.
We have not yet had the opportunity to publish our manifesto. It will be ratified at our party congress, which will be convened in the near future, and will be made public. However, our fundamental goals are not hidden from the people. We have outlined them in our statement in simple language.
First and foremost, we must establish security, and then create a state congress, as a central body, to manage our national movement and secure the freedom of Iran.
The role of the faction is something else. It cannot replace the state and government. The faction works to open the eyes of the people, bring them under firm discipline, and through this, ensure the public interest. The management of people's legal, individual, and social affairs is the duty of the state organization. The structure of these organizations will be the provincial and regional congresses.
The powers of the provincial congresses are very broad. They can intervene in all matters of state administration, independently review financial, cultural, and health issues of the province, and take serious measures in these areas.
The constitution grants this power to all the people of Iran, including the people of Azerbaijan. You know that the Azerbaijan congress played a significant role in the history of Iran's constitutional revolution. Fortunately, Mr. Rafiee (Nizam al-Dawla), one of the participants of that congress, is present in this assembly. He himself is one of the founders of our party. Mr. Mishtashar al-Dawla is also a member of this historic congress.
These personalities are living witnesses and solid proof of the vast rights and powers that we, the people of Azerbaijan, gained during the constitutional revolution.
I want to share with you a great truth. It is often said, “Rights must be taken, they are not given.” In my view, this slogan is incomplete. I believe that perhaps taking rights is easy, but it is crucial to be able to preserve them.
Had our heroic constitutionalists paid attention to this point and not been deceived, today, Azerbaijan, or perhaps all of Iran, would be one of the most free and democratic countries in the world, and this poverty, misery, hunger, and suffering would not have befallen us.
The people of Azerbaijan demonstrated their political maturity and capabilities forty years ago with the formation of provincial and regional congresses. Now, our faction will prove this maturity and competence to the world and remove the obstacles in the way of the formation of these congresses.
Progressive democracy is the highest and finest form of thought. We must strive to make it fully practical. We will do everything in our power to ensure that all citizens of the nation can intervene in state matters, and the will of each individual will have a significant impact on the country's fate.
Furthermore, we have major reforms ahead. First and foremost, we must resolve the existing disputes between peasants and landlords in a just manner. (12) Then, we will tackle issues of culture and health, which we consider to be of paramount importance. A nation without culture and health cannot preserve its independence, life, or freedom.
In one of my past speeches – when France was still under German occupation – I had said here that the French nation would survive and continue its life in freedom. This was not prophecy. I knew well about their culture, historical struggles, knowledge, and civil health.
One of our greatest desires is the general literacy of the people. An educated and healthy population does not bow down to oppression and pressure. The great difference between humans and animals lies in this.
Human beings are social creatures; they do not live in isolation. Their goal is not merely to provide for their personal lives. Humans live for society, and for this reason, they must prioritize the interests of society over their personal interests.
If everyone had only tried to look after their own interests, great personalities, self-sacrificing heroes, and brave individuals who gave their lives for their homeland and people would never have emerged. This self-sacrifice is the result of knowledge, culture, and organization. We must get used to prioritizing the interests of the masses over our own, and in doing so, free our people from misery.
Honor and pride are not found in wealth, property, and personal life. The honorable people of the world have generally been those who served the people. We must educate our youth with this spirit: if you want to gain honor and dignity, serve the people. This is something everyone should know and taste the pride that comes from this act.
We can talk a lot about history. Our past is full of honor. But that is not enough. We must earn honor and dignity ourselves with our own hands. The wise words of Saadi should be a lesson for us:
“If you want your father's inheritance, learn your father's knowledge. For this wealth of your father can be spent in ten days.”
We cannot rely on the efforts of our ancestors as our own capital to spend until it is exhausted. Instead, we should emulate their courage, valor, and self-sacrifice, follow their path, and, like them, achieve our own honor and dignity.
One of the important issues that occupy our thoughts is the issue of language. The language issue is one of the most important and fundamental issues for us Azerbaijanis.
The issue of culture cannot be ignored carelessly because the life of a nation depends on it. Unfortunately, up until now, the administrators of our country have treated this matter casually and have not given it due importance.
Moreover, Azerbaijan has a special cultural and educational situation. The people of Azerbaijan have spoken a specific language for centuries. Those who wish to change this language with simple and harsh measures have no convincing reason for this action.
Forcing a foreign language on a six or seven-year-old child who has just started speaking is a crime. Educational specialists consider the anger of most Azerbaijanis to be the result of this issue.
The prohibition of reading and writing in one's mother tongue is equivalent to hindering the development of culture.
Five million people in cities and villages, including those who attend local schools, will never be able to pronounce Persian correctly for the rest of their lives.
Before Reza Khan came to power and started the policy of breaking up Azerbaijan, our national theaters in Azerbaijan were rapidly advancing. People, both men and women, eagerly watched the works of our artists, and through this, our nation was also advancing in terms of morals and spirituality. It was precisely when our theater's language was forcibly changed to Persian that the theaters had to close. This is because most of our people are not able to understand this language.
Those who consider speaking the Turkish language to be against patriotism must truly be ignorant people. This is not something new. Even today, our preachers in mosques and on pulpits call people to perform religious duties in the language of the people, which is Azerbaijani Turkish. We ask the opponents of the Turkish language: what is so shameful about this? Why is it acceptable to use a language in the pulpit but not in school?
Moreover, the issue of reading and writing in Turkish is not new. Forty-some years ago, the pride of Iranian culture, Haji Mirza Hassan Rashidi, taught elementary school in the mother tongue at the school he established in Tabriz. The book he wrote and published at that time is now in our hands. Furthermore, many individuals here began learning to read and write in their mother tongue. (13)
We have heard that Mr. Fayyazat and Mr. Reza Zadeh Shafaq once taught in this language in the schools of Azerbaijan.
Aside from this, I have seen teachers in villages and small towns who gave speeches on culture in this language [Persian] to peasants and classes who do not know Persian. The harshest form of this was last year in Salmas. I intentionally use the word Salmas because we have no regard for Shapur Alireza. The name "Shapur" brings to mind the moral crimes of this individual. Naming Star Khan Street "Pahlavi Street" hurts our ears and wounds our spirits. In Tabriz, no street should be named after Reza Khan – the butcher of Azerbaijanis.
This street has been named by the people of Tabriz after their national hero, Star Khan. Our post office must understand this once and for all and return any letters addressed to Pahlavi Street. There is no Pahlavi Street in Tabriz. The largest street in Tabriz is named after our great leader, Sardar. It must be recognized by this name. (14)
In conclusion, I repeat again. We are fully committed to the independence of Iran. Ceding even an inch of its land to others is absolutely out of the question. What we seek is domestic rights and cultural autonomy. The language issue is part of this [autonomy].
As we have stated in our declaration, we are thinking of managing our own affairs and will work with all our strength to achieve this.
Those who want to keep the peoples of Iran in captivity must once again pay attention to this point.
(Mr. Pishaveri's speech, which had a profound effect on the audience, ended with intense emotions and long applause.)
Footnotes:
The Shir and Khorshid Hall in Tabriz was a famous hall built in the early 20th century based on the architecture of St. Petersburg theatre halls. It was demolished in the early years of the Islamic revolution (1979) along with the core of the Tabriz orchestra and the National Library through the tireless efforts of Ayatollah Malakouti and his companions to make way for a mosque. This hall, which witnessed the rise and expansion of performing arts in Azerbaijan, was widely used during the period of the National-Democratic Government of Azerbaijan for political and artistic meetings. This is one of the reasons for its "crime," which was repeatedly reminded by Ayatollah Malakouti. (See: "Haj Mirza Muslim Malakouti: The Mosque Became a Mosque, Vol. 2, Tabriz, Aban 64)
Pishaveri, in the "Ajir" newspaper, dated June 26, 1923, described emotional scenes of his observations in Azerbaijan, especially Tabriz, including the suffering and advice of the working people of Tabriz. "... An elderly man stood up, the hall was silent and calm. He asked for permission. He began speaking. Large stains on his old coat showed that he had been engaged in the toughest tasks at a tannery. ... The man’s distress was severe... He spoke in simple, working-class language: 'Comrades... Do not be fooled. I have seen many of these freedoms. We came under the banner of Star Khan and revolted. There were only a few of us... We attacked, shed blood, ate hay, gained constitutional rights and freedom, but soon after, reactionaries emerged under a different guise. They killed our leader, beat us with rods until our nails fell off... I do not want to make you pessimistic or hopeless... but do not be negligent, do not forget that if reaction wins this time... there will be no trace of freedom or freedom-loving people left on this earth.' The man, with tears streaming from his eyes, took his child by the hand and left the hall. The attendees were all crying." (Quoted from "From Reza Khan's Prison to the Head of the Democratic Party of Azerbaijan" by Ali Moradi Maraghei, Tehran, Ohadi, 1381, p. 280)
Of the 134 members of the 14th Parliament, 57 were large feudal landlords, 43 bureaucrats (mainly bureaucrat-feudal), 13 market traders (some market-feudal or market-bureaucrat), and 8 high-ranking clergymen (2 of them clergy-feudal and 2 others clergy-bureaucrat). As can be seen, the 14th Parliament was still, in general, an assembly of large landowners and the reactionary aristocracy of Iran. Pishaveri, taking this into account, even referred to the parliament as the "House of Aristocrats" from the early years of publication. For further information on the class and political composition of the 14th Parliament, see: Political Elites of Iran from the Constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution, Vol. 4, Members of the National Consultative Assembly, by Zahra Shajii, Tehran, Sokhan Publishing, Spring 72.
Morteza Quli Khan Bayat, Sahaam al-Sultan, was one of the prominent members of the ruling aristocratic families of Iran and one of the wealthiest individuals in the country. He was repeatedly elected to Parliament, served as Vice President, Minister, and once as Prime Minister. During the period of the National-Democratic Government of Azerbaijan, he was appointed as the governor of Azerbaijan. According to the author of History of Iranian Men of Affairs, like other members of the aristocracy, he was a person who enjoyed a lavish lifestyle. (See: History of Iranian Men of Affairs, Vol. 4, p. 69)
Seyed Mohsen Sadr al-Motahhadi, also known as Sadr al-Ashraf, was a well-known reactionary figure in the early 20th century Iran. He was a mournful preacher who entered the Qajar court and, when Mohammad Ali Shah shelled the Parliament and Baghe-Shah became the slaughterhouse of freedom fighters, Sadr was the investigator of these freedom fighters. For this reason, he was later known as the "butcher of Baghe-Shah." Sadr was one of the despots who, like many others, participated in the Qajar and Pahlavi governments and was infamous for his opposition to freedom fighters in Azerbaijan. He was one of the reactionary figures of the early century who had been attacked by Seyed Jafar Pishaveri since the early years.
Pishaveri repeatedly referred to Star Khan’s forced journey to Tehran and how Tehran treated him. One such speech was published in "Ajir," Issues 177-179, August 1323 (Selected Works, pp. 315-322).
In Haqiqat newspaper, Issue 57, April 20, 1922, Pishaveri wrote a harsh article protesting the confirmation of the credentials of Mokhber al-Saltaneh. The essence of this article addresses the crimes of the central government against the freedom movements in the provinces, Azerbaijan, Gilan, and Khorasan. Referring back to this article is very useful for understanding the background of Pishaveri's federalist and freedom-seeking thoughts. (See: The Last Stronghold of Freedom, pp. 179-174)
Pishaveri wrote: "... The reason for the cancellation of the Anglo-Iranian treaty and the expulsion of the British troops was the revolt of Azerbaijan and Gilan. Those revolts are sacred. Although they devastated Gilan and Azerbaijan, they freed Iran. Those holy souls, those pure lands, are the reason we are compelled to write the truth. We revere those honored graves that you desecrate and want to trample upon, for they are the ones who revived the spirit of independence and freedom, they are the true honor of Iranian history..." Haqiqat Issue 57 (same as above).
Pishaveri considered provincial and regional associations as one of the most serious means of controlling the central government and preventing its activities. This approach is also addressed in the introduction to the 12th Shahrivar Declaration. It was said that if these associations had not been dissolved, Reza Shah would not have been able to establish his dictatorship.
Pishaveri also said: "... The budget allocated for health in Azerbaijan, if divided by the population of Azerbaijan, would not even provide a single aspirin for each person. If the educational budget for this province were divided by the population, the sum would not even amount to a single matchstick. I turned it into matches, and the result was that each person received less than a single matchstick." ("National Government of Azerbaijan, Social-Economic and Civil Measures," ADP Publishing, Baku, 1354, p. 35)
Regarding the dire situation of Tabriz in these years, Pishaveri wrote a report in "The Return of the Tabriz Journey" (Ajir, June 26, 1323).
The National-Democratic Government of Azerbaijan, having respected private property, always used the formula "fair resolution of the dispute between peasants and landowners" rather than calling for the abolition of feudal ownership.
The book Vatan Dili refers to the work written by Haj Mirza Hassan Rashdieh for teaching Azerbaijani children, which was being taught in Tabriz in the early years of the last century. Pishaveri, two weeks after the publication of this part of his speech, published a separate article titled "Vatan Dili," signed by Samandar, in Azerbaijan Newspaper, Issue 23 (October 16, 1924).
After the Democratic Party gained state power in Azerbaijan, the main street of Tabriz, Pahlavi Street, was officially renamed to Star Khan Street. After the defeat of the movement, it was once again renamed Pahlavi Street.